25 June, 1944

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 403 % Postmaster, N.Y.

France

25 June, 1944         1600

My darling Wilma –

I don’t know how far I’ll get with this. I started to use V-mail but changed to this – no matter how little I write. Yesterday we got mail. I got 2 letters – both from you, written on the 6th and 7th; also Time magazine of June 12, and the fortnightly Salem news letter.

I can well imagine how you felt on D-Day, sweetheart. It certainly must be tough for those at home – because over here we know at least what we’re doing and how we’re doing. Faith and trust is all you can lean on, darling. Depend on that and you should find things easier. It certainly helps on this side – otherwise you’d be sure that every shell was coming your way. I appreciate your prayers, sweetheart, and haven’t stopped praying myself. I want so much for us to be together again, happy and living a normal married life – that it just has to work out that way.

Yes, dear, I was glad to read that Stephen was going to Latin School. It certainly is the only school in the city and should get him ready for college – Harvard, I hope. He ought to do well – he seems bright enough.

Say, by the way, dear – in one of your previous letters you mentioned you were getting to know some medical terminology. That’s fine because I know I’m bound to be referring to some cases in the course of a day’s work – and the more names of diseases that you’ll know – the easier it will be for me to explain.

Here in France it’s a quiet Sunday – for some reason or other. The day started out sunny and warm – but this p.m. it clouded up and I guess we’ll have rain. It seems a bit quieter in this sector than it has been for some time – and it sure is welcome. Where we are and what we’re doing should be fairly obvious to you, dear and I’m sure the radio tells you where the Americans are and what their mission is right now. But so far I haven’t been too busy and all seems to be going well with us – so don’t worry too much, darling.

I’ll have to stop now, dear, and excuse my writing on both sides of this very thin GI paper – but paper is very scarce here and I’m glad to have even this. Don’t forget – I don’t want you worrying! My love to the folks – and to you, dear

All my love for always

Greg

* TIDBIT *

about The VII Corps and the Cherbourg Campaign - Part 6

The outstanding event of 25 June was the capture of Fort du Roule. Built high and secure into the steep rock promontory which stands immediately back of the city, the fort dominated the entire harbor area and was a formidable-appearing bastion, particularly from the sea. Fort du Roule was primarily a coastal fortress, with its guns housed in the lower levels of the fort pointing seaward. However, it was also defended against land attack from its top level, which mounted automatic weapons and mortars in concrete pillboxes, and enjoyed a favorable defensive position with the steep sides of the promontory restricting the approach to the fort along a solitary ridge. Only the top level of the fort was visible from the land side. A few hundred yards southeast of the fort the Germans had dug an antitank ditch. Several hundred yards farther south was a stream bed, still another hindrance to the attackers.

At 0800 on 25 June one squadron of P-47's bombed Fort du Roule, but for the most part the planes overshot their mark and no damage was done to the subterranean tunnels housing the guns. The land attack was undertaken by the 2d and 3d Battalions of the 314th Infantry. The 3d Battalion first attempted an attack straight across the draw south of the fort. But on reaching the slopes leading to the draw the battalion was met with a tremendous volume of small-arms fire originating from a row of dug-in positions on the forward slope. The resistance from these bunkers was finally eliminated by the concentration of all machine guns in the 2d and 3d Battalions. Few Germans escaped to the fort. Most were wiped out by the great volume of automatic fire.

CLICK ON IMAGES TO ENLARGE

German soldiers surrendering to U.S. soldiers
in the ruins of Cherbourg at the foot of Fort du Roule.
Photo is from Roger Hamilton's The War Photos.

From this point the attack was taken over by the 2d Battalion, with the 3d providing covering fire. In the course of these operations the capture of the fort was given its most notable impetus by the action of Cpl. John D. Kelly of Company E. Kelly's platoon had become pinned down on the slopes by enemy machine-gun fire from one of the pillboxes. Volunteering to knock out the position, Corporal Kelly armed himself with a 10-foot pole charge with fifteen pounds of TNT, inched his way up the slope under withering heavy automatic fire. and placed the charge at the base of the strong point. The first blast was ineffective. Kelly therefore returned for another charge and braved the slope again to repeat the operation. This time the ends of the enemy guns were blown off. Kelly then returned for still another charge and climbed the slope a third time to place a charge at the rear entrance of the pillbox. Following this blast he hurled hand grenades into the position, forcing the surviving enemy crews to surrender. While he survived this heroic act, he was later killed in action.

Meanwhile, the 3d Battalion moved up to clear resistance from the left flank of the assaulting battalion. Here again the fight was aided by an individual exploit. When Company K was stopped by combined 88-mm. and machine-gun fire, 1st Lt. Carlos C. Ogden, who had just taken over the company from the wounded company commander, armed himself with an M1 rifle, a grenade launcher, and a number of rifle and hand grenades and advanced alone up the slope toward the enemy emplacements. Although wounded in this advance, Ogden continued up the slope and finally reached a point from which he destroyed the 88-mm gun with a well-placed rifle grenade. Again wounded, Ogden continued, found the two machine guns which had held up his company, and with hand grenades knocked them out also.

These and other destructive attacks gradually induced various sections of the fort's top level to surrender. Some sections held out until nearly 2200 that night, and even then only the capture of the top level was completed. It was still impossible to enter the city in strength on 25 June due to the fire from the guns in the lower level of Fort du Roule.

24 June, 1944

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 403 % Postmaster, N.Y.

France

24 June, 1944         1000

My dearest one –

Today is 11 months that I know you and tomorrow will be seven months that I’ve been overseas. Subtracting 7 from 11 leaves 4 – and I just can’t make myself believe that actually we saw each other during a 4 month period only. It just doesn’t seem possible that we could have gotten to know each other so well in so short a time; well enough to become engaged to each other and to think only in terms of our being married and together for always – someday. I’m actually more surprised at you than I am at myself, darling. The fact is I knew what I wanted for a long time and when I met you, I knew you were it immediately. I’m still amazed at your desire to be engaged to me, to wait for me, to put up with my being away – all this after knowing me for only 4 months. Now – sweetheart – don’t be angry with me. You know how thankful I am for all this. It is because I’m so thankful that I think of it so often. You see, dear, I do not take you for granted.

It would be nice to feel that the greatest part of our separation is behind us. I don’t know what to think on that score, but certainly a big chunk of it is – and the fact that the big battle is on is a big help to all of us. When we were sitting around in England – things were more comfortable all right – but we couldn’t help but feel uneasy about our inactivity. We knew that the longer we stayed in England, the longer we would be in returning home. Now everyone is imbued with a spirit of drive to get the damn thing over with and we all feel that every day that goes by now – we’re accomplishing something towards going home.

No mail so far today, but it’s still early and we all have great hopes of getting some later in the day. Surely it will be welcome, dear. It seems like ages since I heard from you – although it really isn’t so very long ago. The last date which I heard from you was June 5th. I’ve received no letter from you written from that date on and I’m wondering what your reaction was to the news of the Landings in France. As recently as that was – it already seems like a fantasy rather than an actuality, but it’s good to feel that it’s behind us. One thing I was never able to write you from England, darling, was the wonderful job the Army was doing in preparing us for this. Things were really worked out well.

I’ve been addressing my letters to the folks – to Winthrop. I assume they are there by now. I hope you get a chance to visit with them and get some swimming in. You must be a great comfort to my family these days, I know, and that’s another thing I’m thankful for.

Well, darling it’s time to close for now. I hope your work is going along well – and that you’re not working too hard, either. Send my love to the folks, dear, and always remember how much I love you and miss you and then you’ll know that I’ll come back to you safe and sound one fine day.

All my love for now –

Greg

* TIDBIT *

about The VII Corps and the Cherbourg Campaign - Part 5

CLICK ON MAP TO ENLARGE

Night Positions of Forward Elements
Green = 23 June, Black - 24 June
Red circles are German Defenses

On June 22, Hitler had ordered General Schlieben to fulfill his duty of defending the city and, in the worst-case scenario, destroy the deep water harbor to leave nothing to the enemy. According to the Allied observers, it would take several weeks to repair the harbor installations, once the city was liberated by the Americans. General Schlieben had requested reinforcements. He had also considered and canceled the airdrop of the German 15th Parachute Regiment in Brittany.

Meanwhile, the American troops of VII Corps had continued their progression, slow and bloody. German defenses fell one by one. All three American divisions had endured heavy fighting and penetrated significant positions in the German line, making steady progress on 23 June. By early in the afternoon von Schlieben reported that the Americans had broken through on the land front and were advancing in four wedges towards the city. He reported that he had committed his last reserves to the battle, including a number of non-combatants equipped with old French weapons. He also handed out a large number of Iron Crosses that had been dropped in by parachute, in an attempt to boost morale.

Iron Cross 2nd Classes Awarded During the Fighting in Normandy

This didn't stop the US 4th Division from reaching the northern coast three miles to the east of the city. The penetrations into the outer ring of the Cherbourg fortress had moved the battle for the port into the final phase. General Schlieben reported on the morning of the 24th that he had no reserves and ordered his men to fight to the last ammunition cartridge.

General Collins' verbal orders for 24 June made no fundamental changes in the plans outlined several days earlier. The flank regiments of the Corps, the 22d and the 60th, were assigned the mission of containing the enemy in the northeast and northwest respectively. The 47th and 39th Infantry Regiments were to make a coordinated attack toward Octeville, a suburb southwest of Cherbourg, and the 8th and 12th Infantry Regiments were to attack in the east. The 79th Division was to capture the strong point at la Mare à Canards by double envelopment, following a dive-bombing early in the morning. Air preparation was also planned on other major strong points.

On June 24, VII Corps closed in on the city. The 9th Division overran three Luftwaffe installations to hold established positions in front of Octeville. The 79th Division cleared la Mare a Canards and pushed on within sight of Fort du Roule. Although the Cherbourg defense was collapsing, VII Corps still met with some bitter last stands. The 4th Division encountered heavy resistance, losing two battalion commanders killed, while capturing 800 German soldiers and occupying Tourlaville. Fort du Roule was the key to Cherbourg. The Germans had fortified it with Anti-Aircraft guns (AA's), concrete emplacements, pill boxes, anti-tank ditches and barbed wire. 3rd BN made three attempts for heights adjacent to the fort. All were unsuccessful and resulted in heavy casualties.

Aerial View of Fort du Roule overlooking Cherbourg

23 June, 1944

V-MAIL

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 403 % Postmaster, N.Y.

France

23 June, 1944

Dear sweetheart –

Today was a pretty busy one for me – by that I mean that I traveled around quite a bit visiting a couple of the batteries. All is still going well – and if we could only get a little mail, we’d be happy. Something seems to be tying it up.

Yesterday, during a lull, I had a chance to write a few V-mails that were overdue. I wrote Mother B, Granny B, Mary, one of the doctors at the hospital (Don Nickerson) and a Phil Bloomberg of Salem. He had written me some time ago congratulating me on my engagement. He is president of the Naumkeag Amusement Co. which among other things – runs the Salem Paramount. He says I’m still on his preferred list as regards getting into the Paramount and that of course included you. I used to have a yearly pass.

There’s nothing much else I can write you today, sweetheart. I miss you these days something awful – but there’s not a darn thing I can do about it except to hope and live for the end of the war and my return home. I love you, darling, and being away from you is quite difficult at times. So long for now. Love to the folks.

All my love,

Greg

* TIDBIT *

about The Paramount Theater in Salem, Massachusetts
Architects: Cornelius W. Rapp, George Leslie Rapp; Style: Baroque

CLICK ON PICTURE TO ENLARGE

Crowd in Front of Salem Paramount Theater, April, 1940

David April, on the a website called "Cinema Treasures," wrote this about the Paramount Theater in Salem, MA .

This Paramount Theater opened on April 19, 1930, originally as a Publix Theater. It was one of the first theaters to feature air conditioning.

The front entryway under the rectangular red and white marquee (Publix’s marquee was black and white) was finished in black marble. The ornate ticket booth was within the covered entryway. The front doors opened into a very long, dark red-carpeted hallway with a dark red velvet rope on stanchions down the center to delineate the traffic flow for patrons arriving and departing. The walls there were lined with occasional glass display cases holding movie posters. At the end of this hallway, a uniformed usher stood collecting tickets.

The hallway led into the theater lobby which was finished in a light green and ivory color scheme. An alternate lobby egress faced St. Peter Street. The manager’s office was at one side of the lobby. There was a large refreshments counter in the lobby as well. The restrooms off the lobby were all finished in tile and marble. Two grand staircases ascended to the balcony. There were five sets of double doors leading into the theater on each level, one for each of the five aisles.

Inside awaited a cavernous theater with 2,187 seats. The decor of the theater was Rococo style, with an intricate and graceful proscenium arch framing the wide stage. The cinemascope screen it held was 85 feet long. The molded ceiling was likewise ornate, as was the ceiling under the balcony in the rear. Speaking of which, the theater had a large balcony with brass railing, which, when the theaterfirst opened, was intended as the smoking section. Later it was opened only for overflow crowds. When a movie was starting, two sets of curtains parted in front of the screen, one after the other, rather than the usual one at most other theaters.

The side walls featured faux boxes in the Rococo style. They were of dimensions that would convince anyone that they were real. These were actually light boxes to illuminate huge murals in the style of the French artist Watteau towering in arches topped by lunnets above the boxes. The two front boxes had velvet draperies instead, creating the illusion that they were seating areas. But they were organ chambers housing the pipes for the great Wurlitzer theater organ on stage. All the wood and plaster—for example, the balcony fascia, boxes, exit doors, proscenium arch, ceiling and other trim were gold.

Regarding lighting, to either side of the two front boxes there were very tall florescent lamps behind ornate frosted/etched glass covers. Along the side walls were sconce lights, and small aisle lights built into the aisle seats at intervals helped patrons see the aisles in the dimness.

This was certainly one of the most beautiful of the Publix (later Paramount) theaters ever built. It was much larger than the lovely art deco Paramount in Boston, and perhaps as or more beautiful. But it died a slow death with the advent of television and the pressure of exhibitors having too high rental fees for films, based on the huge number of seats in large theaters. First-run films became too costly, and reruns diminished the size of audiences further. Thankfully, this grand old dame was never cut up and converted into 10 separate theaters. Its dignity was preserved to the very end. Sadly, it was demolished in around 1971 to make way for a parking garage.

The Paramount Theater could probably have been restored and used as performing arts center. There was a parking lot in back of the theater that would have allowed a significant enlargement of the stage. But urban renewal in that era ruled, and they put the ball to the theater along with other important buildings in the city. Those of us who patronized the Paramount Theater in Salem will never forget the many good times we had there.

22 June, 1944

V-MAIL

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 403 % Postmaster, N.Y.

FRANCE

22 June, 1944         0930

My dearest darling –

A nice clear day today – after a couple of rather raw ones. Everything has been going along well dear, and we seem to be making good progress. My radio – which has followed me everywhere in the Army – is still with me and helps keep us posted on what’s going on. That may sound strange, but it’s true. Generally we know only what’s going on in our own sector. It’s also strange to hear a broadcast of jive music, or Charlie McCarthy or Fibber McGee and Molly in the middle of a field – with chaos not too far away. But it does help relax us – and I hope my battery holds out awhile.

The mail in this direction is still a bit confused and so I haven’t heard from you for several days. Just like everyone else – the APO is en route a good part of the time and I know that we’ll all get mail perhaps today or tomorrow. But I don’t mind sweetheart as long as my mail is reaching you – and I hope it is.

The feeling around here is that the goddam Boches can’t possibly hold us when the big push starts. Anyone who ever doubted the fighting ability of the American soldier – was all wet. They’ve fought wonderfully – particularly the airborne outfits – who can be as savage and ruthless as necessary. Most of them are now riding around in captured Jerry scout cars and no one begrudges them their comfort – because they usually have to walk. Sweetheart – that’s all for now. Remember, darling, don’t worry. I’m well and taking care of myself. Love to the folks.

All my love for always

Greg

P.S.I LOVE YOU!

G.

Captured German Scout Car used by a War Correspondent

* TIDBIT *

about The VII Corps and the Cherbourg Campaign - Part 4

From UTAH BEACH TO CHERBOURG - 6 June to 27 June, 1944 comes this:

On the morning of 22 June the ultimatum expired without word from the German fortress commander. The weather had turned favorable. At 0940 the Corps commander therefore notified the division commanders that the attack would be launched. H-Hour was 1400. Bombing was to begin at 1240. Division and regimental commanders had already made their plans and issued field orders on the basis of the previous day's verbal orders. All that remained was for unit commanders to give last-minute instructions regarding H-Hour, the withdrawal for the bombardment, and the jump-off.

A few minutes before the fighter-bombers appeared, front lines were marked with yellow smoke and bomb lines with white phosphorus. At 1240 the pre-H-Hour bombing and strafing attacks were initiated by four squadrons of rocket-firing Typhoons, followed by six squadrons of Mustangs, all from the 2d Tactical Air Force (RAF). At approximately 1300 the attacks were taken over by twelve groups of fighter-bombers of the Ninth Air Force and eleven groups from Ninth Bomber Command. Between them the four waves of attacks dropped 1,100 tons on the German defenses. For fifty-five minutes P-47's, P-38's, and P-51's (562 planes) bombed and strafed front-line strong points at low level, one group coming over approximately every five minutes.

Between 1300 and 1330, the 47th, 60th, and 22d Infantry Regiments all called their headquarters to say that they were being bombed and strafed by friendly planes, and sought means of stopping the attacks. These units and others suffered several casualties from the air attacks. The errors were believed to have been caused at least in part by the drift of the marking smoke in the fairly strong northeast wind. As the mediums began to come over at 1400 to bomb the German lines in front of the 9th and 79th Divisions, the attacking units jumped off; at 1430 the three regiments of the 4th Division joined the attack. Between 1400 and 1455 the eleven groups of light and medium bombers of the IX Bomber Command (387 planes) delivered their attacks on the eleven defended areas expected to give trouble in the drive on the city.

Measured by sheer physical destruction the bombardment was none too effective, except on a few targets. Its greatest effect was in cutting German communications and depressing enemy morale, but in general the bombing was scattered-as indicated by the drops to the rear of the American lines. This was the first large-scale use of medium and fighter-bombers in close support of ground troops since the launching of the Normandy operation, and coordination of all elements had not been perfected. Arrangements for the bombardment had to be made through difficult command channels. While General Quesada went to VII Corps Headquarters to work out the initial air plan, he was chiefly with First Army Headquarters at this time, and most of the aircraft were still operating from England. The bombardment had had to be planned very hurriedly; there was insufficient time to transmit details on last-minute changes in the plan to all the parties concerned, or to coordinate artillery fires against antiaircraft batteries with the bombing attacks or even in some instances to brief pilots properly.

However, fighter-bombers did exceptionally effective work in destroying some of the German positions, particularly on the west side of Cherbourg. A later analysis of the fire support in the assault on Cherbourg concluded that the best air-artillery-infantry coordination had been achieved by the 9th Division, with artillery first firing effectively against flak positions, followed by the air bombing, and then artillery resuming fire to cover the infantry advance. However, while the Corps' attack achieved penetrations of varying depth, no real breakthrough was made immediately anywhere along the Cherbourg front.

At this point in the battle, all the divisions were forced to execute a methodical reduction of strong points. Each pillbox had to be blasted out, and Collins' men developed a slow but relatively safe method of dealing with these fortifications. Artillery and dive bombers would force the Germans into their concrete defenses. A light bombardment would keep them pinned down while the infantry advanced to within 400 yards of the pillbox. The infantry would then take over, pouring heavy fire into the embrasures, while combat engineers worked their way around to the rear, blew the doors open and then threw explosives or smoke grenades into the pillbox.

CLICK ON PICTURES TO ENLARGE

Well-concealed German Pillbox


Blowing up a German Pillbox with
Soldiers behind Vehicle for Protection


Remains of a Blown Up German Pillbox

21 June, 1944

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 403 % Postmaster, N.Y.

Somewhere in France

21 June, 1944       0930

My dearest sweetheart –

I’ll have to write small and excuse the crinkled paper. The latter is scarce here and hard to keep when you’re on the move. I’ve wanted to write you a letter for some time now, darling, just to ramble on without the confines of a limited space of V-mail – but I just haven’t been able to. As a matter of fact, dear, few of the boys in this campaign have found much time to write at all, but I’m doing all I can to get something off to you daily. Some days it doesn’t even go out because we’re moving or not certain of the post-office location. And the drivers are very careful when on the road – because it’s easy to land in enemy territory – and it’s so different from maneuvers!

I don’t intend to give you any of the morbid aspects of warfare, sweetheart, but I can sum it up in one word – “terrible”. And yet – as unhumanitarian as it may seem for a doctor to express himself so – I have not been able to feel one bit of pity for the hundreds of dead Germans I’ve seen along the roads and in the fields. The French feel the same – despite the fact that many of them had become quite friendly with the German soldiers after having them billeted in their homes for 4 years.

Many things run through a fellow’s mind these days, dear. It’s a different world we’re living in now than anything up to now. The element of time is peculiar. It just doesn’t exist for us right now and we actually forget the day of the week – for days at a time. Noise is another thing that has impressed me, i.e. in a negative manner. You merely get used to it and it soon loses it significance. Don’t misinterpret me, dear, I’m still careful and on my toes as always – but you do get accustomed to things.

When we’re on the road, or when I’m digging my foxhole, or lying in my bedding roll – those are the times I find myself thinking of you, sweetheart – and home; oh – I do a hundred times a day – when things flash across my mind; but I mean when I can think of us – in connected thoughts. War and destruction have made me appreciate even more than I did the values of a sweetheart, a family, a home – and a chance to live. I know I haven’t seen much of war yet – but I know it will not harden me. It will make me want you and the life I knew, more than ever, darling. Gosh, dear, I can’t tell you what my love for you and its reciprocation really means to me and especially now. All this waiting, this loneliness, this gypsy existence – is tolerable only because I have you to come back to and I mean what I’m saying. And many a fellow I’ve talked to in the short time since this all started doesn’t care whether he gets back at all – or not, and invariably it’s a fellow who has nothing to come back to. So you see darling, I have a lot to be thankful for.

Well – I started out not to be morbid or philosophical – but I didn’t succeed, dear. But I do hope you know how much I love you and care for you. We’re doing well here and when we turn around and start chasing the Heines back thru France – perhaps things will end up quickly. I do hope you’re finding the Red Cross work absorbing and time filling – and let me know when you get your uniform. Give my love to the folks and the family, keep a stiff upper lip – and never forget for a moment that I love you and that fundamentally – you never leave my mind for a moment.

My deepest love

Greg

* TIDBIT *

about The VII Corps and the Cherbourg Campaign - Part 4

CLICK ON MAP TO ENLARGE

Advance from 19-21 June 1944

From UTAH BEACH TO CHERBOURG (6 June-27 June 1944) comes this:

On the night of 21 June General Collins sent an ultimatum by radio and messenger to the commander of the German ground forces, General von Schlieben. Pointing out that Cherbourg was isolated and the German position hopeless, he asked for the surrender of the port. The message was broadcast in Polish, Russian, and French, as well as in German, to the members of the enemy garrison. The ultimatum was to expire at 0900 on 22 June.

CLICK ON IMAGE TO ENLARGE

Stars and Stripes, 21 June 1944

Meanwhile General Collins proceeded with plans for the assault of the semicircular perimeter of fortifications surrounding Cherbourg. An outstanding feature of the attack was to be an intensive air bombardment of the main defenses south and southwest of the city. While the three divisions probed the German lines on 21 June, arrangements for the air support were made with Maj. Gen. Elwood R. Quesada of the IX Tactical Air Command. The plan called first for eighty minutes of bombing and strafing of known enemy installations prior to H-Hour by Typhoons and Mustangs of the 2d Tactical Air Force (RAF) and by fighter-bombers of the Ninth Air Force. At H-Hour medium bombers of the Ninth Air Force were to begin delivering a series of attacks designed to form an aerial barrage moving northward in anticipation of the advance of the ground forces. All eleven Groups of the IX Bomber Command were to participate in the attacks on eleven defended localities.

The day and hour of the attack depended largely on the weather, which was not promising at the time. General Collins, however, tentatively scheduled the attack for 1200-1600, 22 June, and outlined the plan to the three division commanders. The principal targets for the air bombardment were to be the heavily defended areas north and east of Flottemanville-Hague and Martinvast; the fortifications astride the Valognes-Cherbourg highway at les Chevres, which barred the 79th Division's advance; and three strong points, referred to as "C," "D," and "F." "C" was a strong antiaircraft position southwest of Cherbourg in the path of the 47th Infantry. "F" and "D" were strong points on the southern approaches to Cherbourg, "D" being the formidable Fort du Roule built into the cliff overlooking the port. For the pre-H-Hour bombing, troops were to be pulled back at least 1,000 yards behind the bomb line. Artillery fire was to immediately follow this bombing and the attacking troops were to move rapidly to their initial objectives.

CLICK ON PICTURE TO ENLARGE

Aerial Reconnaissance Photo of the Port from 21 June 1944

General Collins directed the 4th Division to continue on its mission of isolating Cherbourg from the east. Its main effort was to be made by the 12th Infantry, which was to capture heavily defended Tourlaville and then cut through to the coast. The 79th Division was to make its principal drive on its right, moving up the highway and seizing the high nose which commands the city and terminates in the fortified cliff at Fort du Roule. The 9th Division's chief effort was also to be on its right, the principal objective being the Octeville heights which overlook Cherbourg from the west and south.

During the last few days the capture of Cherbourg had taken on an even greater urgency than had existed before. On 19 June the highest tide of the year combined with a 4-day storm had damaged unloading craft and the floating piers and roadways, threatening serious delay in the unloading of supplies. As a precaution against future shortages First Army ordered a one-third reduction in artillery ammunition expenditure in the Cherbourg attack. General Collins, in his verbal orders on 21 June, said: "This attack on Cherbourg is the major effort of the American Army and is especially vital now that unloading across the beaches has been interfered with by weather. All Division Commanders surely appreciate the importance of this attack."

20 June, 1944

V-MAIL

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 403 % Postmaster, N.Y.

Somewhere in France

20 June, 1944

Dearest darling Wilma –

In the midst of war and all that goes with it – I had a pleasant dream last night. It was all about you and me and our becoming engaged. I got up feeling swell – and here I am. I do get such a lift, sweetheart, every time I stop to realize that I have a fiancée and that it is you. The war is really easy to take knowing that and I can’t tell you it often enough. You will have to excuse the continued use of V-mail, darling. Right now it is the only thing available and the easiest to dispatch.

Things are going along well here. Last evening we stopped near a farm house and I went over and chatted (what an overstatement!) with the farmer and his wife. I ended up by drinking 2 glasses of Normandy champagne, and left with 2 fresh eggs and a head of lettuce. I’ve gotten hold of a French dictionary and I’m picking things up rapidly.

As for news, Sweetheart, it’s good – as your radio is telling you. Things are still easy for me and I’m going to keep telling you not to worry – so many times that you’ll have to believe me, dear. I love you, Wilma, darling and aim to return to marry you – and therefore I’m taking good care of myself for you. Love to the folks and

All my love is yours,

Greg

* TIDBIT *

about The VII Corps and the Cherbourg Campaign - Part 3

Cherbourg was defended by General Karl von Schlieben, the commander of one of the two German battle groups that were engaged in the Cotentin campaign. Hitler's interference during the Cotentin campaign meant that von Schlieben was forced to defend a line that ran across the entire peninsula, from St. Vaast de la Hogue in the east to Vauville in the west, instead of being able to concentrate his troops in the strong semi-circle of defenses around Cherbourg. He had also been denied permission to make an orderly withdrawal into the defenses when it became clear that the Americans were about to reach the west coast of the peninsula, so those troops that did reach Cherbourg had to be thrown into the defenses as they arrived. Von Schlieben calculated that he had 21,000 men to defend Cherbourg, made up from the remains of four divisions, naval gunners, flak gunners and workers from the Todt organization. He reported that he was short of officers, had many low grade troops and one fifth of his men were Russians and Poles. Hitler's refusal to allow an orderly retreat meant that the stockpiles of mortar and artillery ammunition stored in the fortress had been used up before the battle began.

The fortifications of Cherbourg were still formidable. The city was surrounded by a ring of concrete fortifications built onto three ridges that commanded every line of approach. In the city itself the Arsenal was a powerful fortress, and the navy had built forts to defend the harbor. If von Schlieben had been allowed to retreat in good order then these fortifications might have held the Americans up for some time.

The following 3 photos show some of the harbor defenses
as they appear today.

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The American forces in the Cotentin, commanded by General 'Lightning Joe' Collins, had three divisions available for the attack on Cherbourg – the 4th, 9th and 79th. It was the 9th Division that had reached the west coast of the Cotentin on 18 June. On the following day the 4th Division, under Major General Raymond O. Barton, had borne the brunt of the German resistance but had broken through the main German defenses on the east coast. The Germans had held their position for one week in the sector of Montebourg. In the north, they had reorganized a temporary defense on the line between Valognes and Quettehou. From 18 to 19 June, all German positions in the east of the Saire valley were evacuated including the Luftwaffe signal station of Teurtheville-Bocage, and the batteries of Gatteville and La Pernelle, whose heavy guns were put out of order. All German forces regrouped in the area of the Cherbourg fortress.

Since the jump-off on 19 June the three divisions had come into a new type of terrain. In advancing up the peninsula they had gradually left the low-lying south Cotentin and were now in the hilly north. In the eastern half of the peninsula a hilly region first became apparent at Montebourg and gradually led to higher ground near Cherbourg. Between Valognes and the port were several large wooded areas. The approach along the western half of the peninsula was even less favorable, as the region west of the Douve was frequently broken by ridges and stream valleys. Much of the country was of the "bocage" type, with fairly steep hills and steep-sided valleys; toward the northwest it became rugged, with open relief and rocky cliffs. Immediately backing the city of Cherbourg was a collar of steeply rising ground with frequent outcroppings of bare rock. This ground rose abruptly from the city and then fell back to form a high rolling plateau, broken by the deep valleys of the Divette, the Trotebec, and their tributaries.

It was country ideal for the defense of Cherbourg and the enemy had taken full advantage of it. On a rough semicircle, from four to six miles out from the port, the Germans had constructed a belt of fortifications varying in depth and type. Always on commanding ground, these fortifications covered all approaches. Defensive lines were often tied in with streams which served as obstacles to tanks and self-propelled weapons. Where natural barriers did not form a continuous obstacle they were supplemented by ditches, and roads were blocked with steel gates or bars. The defenses were of various types. In some areas there were permanent structures of concrete, with machine-gun turrets and mortars, underground personnel shelters, and ammunition storage rooms. In other places the fortifications consisted mainly of trenches and ditches, sometimes enclosing "Crossbow" (rocket bomb) sites, from which the Germans could fight delaying actions. Hedges were frequently cut to permit a better field of fire, and wire enclosed the fortified area. Within this ring of defensive works were many antiaircraft positions, and as the Americans approached the Cherbourg defenses the enemy made full use of these weapons for ground fire.

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German Artillery near Cherbourg


German Observation Point near Cherbourg

Most German positions were clearly and accurately shown on the large-scale defense overprints issued to all commanders, but exact information on the strength of the enemy in these positions was lacking. Prisoners continually reported that their units had suffered complete disorganization. On the evening of 20 June, General Collins ordered all units to probe the enemy's main line of resistance during the night.

19 June, 1944

V-MAIL

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 403 % Postmaster, N.Y.

France

19 June, 1944         0915

Wilma darling –

Still on V-mail ration, dear, but soon I may be able to find a spot to write an Air-mail. A wonderful thing happened yesterday when I got two letters from you – one written May 31st and the other June 5th – with a cute postcard enclosed. It sure was good to get – and the Army is doing a swell job in keeping the mail going. I’m sure you must be hearing fairly regularly by now, sweetheart.

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Mobile Post Office near Cherbourg

News from here is scant. The radio must be keeping you up to date with what’s going on. We’re a part of the picture, all right, but it has not been bad. I’m getting toughened up in the hands and shoulders from digging in – wherever we go. That is absolutely the first thing we do.

Foxholes by a Stream in Normandy

The food situation hasn’t been too bad. Haven’t been able to spend any money. All our English money was turned into francs before we left. Each franc is worth two cents – so that we all have francs in the thousands. They come in paper notes, 5 francs, 50, 100, 500 1000 – etc. and all in different sizes – so you can’t get them into you wallet right. All for now, darling. Remember I love you terribly and miss you and think of you constantly. My love to the folks and remember – don’t worry!!

All my love, dear

Greg

* TIDBIT *

about The Mulberry Harbors and the Storm

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Mulberry Harbor B at Arromanches

To enable the forces already on the Normandy coast on D-Day to be reinforced and kept supplied with utmost speed it was necessary that two invasion ports be constructed in England, then be transported across 100 miles of sea and placed in position off the enemy occupied coast. It was estimated that about 12,000 tons, plus 2,500 vehicles of all kinds, would have to be unloaded each day for 90 days at least. The only possible plan was to have prefabricated sections which could be assembled at the spot where two vast invasion ports would be most useful - Mulberry A for the USA beaches of Omaha and Utah and Mulberry B for the British and Canadian beaches of Gold, Juno and Sword. Each harbor would have a capacity of 7000 tons of vehicles and supplies per day. Caissons would be towed across the Channel, each by a tug of about 1,500 hp. On arrival they were to be maneuvred into position with the help of small tugs, then special valves would be opened in each, allowing water to fill it and sink it where it was to remain. The designs would allow for the floating caissons to be secured in place in four days.

On D-Day blockships sailed to where this work was to be completed, to provide breakwaters for the immediate shelter of hosts of small craft. Sixty ships of various types and sizes were earmarked for this purpose, including old warships. These made the crossing close behind the assault forces and all arrived safely. They were sunk by explosive charges, and their crews were then brought back to England. To complete each port, internal equipment such as piers was essential. It was no easy matter to construct a pier hundreds of feet long on a flat beach, with a rise and fall of tide of over 20 feet, and which sometimes may be floating and at other times be resting on sand or, worse still, rock.

After severe sea tests the equipment went into production amounting to 7 miles of pier and all necessary appurtenances. Pier heads were built, as ships, in various ports on the coast of the UK, from Leith round to Glasgow. Most of the remaining equipment was prefabricated all over the country, and then assembled at the Army depots at Southampton and Richborough. About 240 contractors were employed on this particular task, and 50,000 tons of steel were used. The work of assembly-on-the-spot went on whilst the sinking of caissons was being completed. By D-Day plus 12 more than half of these were in position, and the harbors were already an impressive sight. Floating breakwaters, consisting of steel floats, had previously been moored end-to-end in a long line, to provide a damping effect on the sea in strong winds; 15,000 tons of steel were used in their construction. The Army Fire Service helped in sinking the pier heads to the correct level.

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And then, on 19 June, the biggest June gale for 40 years began. It blew for three days from the worst possible direction. The harbors, only half-way built, were exposed to its full force. The American harbor, Mulberry A suffered very severely and the breakwaters were largely broken up. The destruction was so great that the work on this harbor was discontinued. Mulberry A was in use for less than 10 days. Out of 31 caissons laid in position, 21 were damaged beyond repair by the storm, with broken backs and sides. Mulberry A was never used again and parts of it were scavenged to repair damage to Mulberry B. The Americans quickly reverted to the traditional methods of unloading from landing craft and DUKWs ("Ducks") directly onto the beaches, often coming in on one tide and leaving on the next. Such was their success that on occasions they exceeded the impressive performance achieved at Mulberry B.

The six photos below show the damage done
to landing craft and pontoons.

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All the pier equipment which was on the voyage across when the gale started was sunk, but only one caisson failed to weather the journey. After the gale subsided, the work of construction continued on Mulberry B, the British harbor at Arromanches, though a long spell of rough weather prevented pier equipment from being towed over, so that the remaining harbour was not unloading to maximum capacity until well into July. But even on the worst day 800 tons of petrol and ammunition, as well as many troops, were landed over the piers. Eventually it was completed, and a port bigger than many with famous names had been built in a few weeks against a lonely French beach.

Day after day, in all weathers, scores of ships of all sizes had moored within its shelter or berthed in unbroken lines along its quays. Never, even at the height of a peacetime trade boom, had so much shipping used such limited accommodation at one time. Each day around 9000 tons were landed via Mulberry B until the end of August by which time Cherbourg port became available for use, at least in part. Towards the end of the year, after the capture of Walcheren, the port of Antwerp also was made available. In all, Mulberry B was in use for 5 months during which time over two million men, half a million vehicles and 4 million tons of supplies passed through the harbor. During this period several additional caissons where used to reinforce weak points in the breakwater.

The following photos show vehicles and half-tracks
coming and going at Mulberry B.

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