29 July, 1944

V-MAIL

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 403 % Postmaster, N.Y.

France

29 July, 1944

Dearest darling –

Another Saturday – but unlike last Saturday – we’re all imbued with quite a bit of spirit today – due to the way the boys have been traveling these past several days. It’s really heartening. Yesterday we had a busy day at the hospital. I met an M.D. from Boston – by the way. He knew several of the men from Salem – and we had quite a chat.

Besides movies in the evening and digging, we have a new sport around here – pitching horse shoes. You’d be surprised how it helps pass the time. We have some really expert hillbilly boys who are very good at it. The stakes, by the way, are parts taken from a German tank – a Mark V.

I sure am missing you these days, Sweetheart – and I can’t tell you enough how much I love you and want to be with you. But the picture has changed these past few weeks and I’m sure we’re going to be back or at least over with this thing – sooner than we hoped for a little while back. So keep your spirits up, darling!

No mail for several days now. Perhaps today?

My love to the folks – and

My deepest love, dear

Greg

* TIDBIT *

about The End of Operation Cobra

Operation Cobra was over and had brought the expected result. On the 28th, in the Marigny – St Lô area, the front had been successfully broken and the enemy forced into the defensive. The US First Army had decided to use the situation on the front to its advantage and had issued an order that as many units as possible aimed at pursuing the disorganized enemy move forward through the breakthrough. The US VII Corps had been ordered to advance southwards to the left of the adjacent VIII Corps’ operational space. The command of the VIII Corps had ordered the 6th and 4th Armored Divisions to move through the infantry units’ positions and pursue the enemy. It was 1700 hours when the divisions' tanks finally had conquered Coutances. As was the case with St Lô, Coutances had been transformed into a death zone. Not a single home had remained undamaged, and many had been entirely reduced to rubble. In many ways, the occupation of Coutances fulfilled the objective of Operation Cobra. The front had been broken and the GIs had advanced south and southwest through the open countryside. In the course of the day, a significant number of enemy soldiers had found themselves surrounded on the western flank of the US VII Corps when the 3rd Armored Division and the 1st Infantry Divisions met up with the men from the neighboring VIII Corps not far from Coutances.

These three photos are of Coutances on 29 July 1944:

CLICK ON PICTURES TO ENLARGE

On the 29th, the US VII Corps shifted away from their southwesterly direction, attacked southwards and reached the pre-established Cerences – Hambye – Percy line. The enemy tank columns that withdrew along the main road between Roney and St Denis le Gast suffered extremely major losses caused by air force, artillery and tank shelling. In the course of Operation Cobra, the Wehrmacht and SS units lost a significant number of men and equipment. Panthers, Panzer IV, SdKfz 251 half-track armored vehicles – now all of it lay destroyed by the wayside, along the roads Hitler’s once proud armored machines now used as escape routes. The enemy also left behind a large number of injured men as well as soldiers who had opted for capture as a way out of an otherwise hopeless situation.

After breaking through the front near St Lô, the US VIII Corps continued to pursue the enemy with its 4th and 6th Armored Divisions and motorized infantry commands. Combat Command A from the 6th Armored Division, operating on the Corps’ western flank, secured a crossing over the Sienne River near Pont de la Roche, while Combat Command A from the “sister” 4th Armored Division advanced beyond the river in its advance on Cerences.

The XIX Corps’ 29th Infantry Division, the same division that was the first to “knock” on Rommel’s Atlantic Wall in the early morning hours of June 6, 1944, relieved the 2nd Armored Division’s Combat Command A on the Corps’ right flank, advanced to positions east of Percy and made contact with the neighboring US VII Corps. The 30th Infantry Division encountered strong resistance during its advance southwards along the western bank of the Vire River towards Tessy sur Vire.

Here is description of one man's heroic experience on the night of 29 July 1944 for which he was awarded the Army Medal:

Hulon B. Whittington, U.S. Army Sergeant, 41st Armored Inf. 2d Armored Div:

For conspicuous gallantry and intrepidity at the risk of life above and beyond the call of duty. On the night of 29 July 1944, during an enemy armored attack, Sgt. Whittington, a squad leader, assumed command of his platoon when the platoon leader and platoon sergeant became missing in action. He reorganized the defense and, under fire, courageously crawled between gun positions to check the actions of his men. When the advancing enemy attempted to penetrate a roadblock, Sgt. Whittington, completely disregarding intense enemy action, mounted a tank and by shouting through the turret, directed it into position to fire pointblank at the leading Mark V German tank. The destruction of this vehicle blocked all movement of the remaining enemy column consisting of over 100 vehicles of a Panzer unit. The blocked vehicles were then destroyed by handgrenades, bazooka, tank, and artillery fire and large numbers of enemy personnel were wiped out by a bold and resolute bayonet charge inspired by Sgt. Whittington. When the medical aid man had become a casualty, Sgt. Whittington personally administered first aid to his wounded men. The dynamic leadership, the inspiring example, and the dauntless courage of Sgt. Whittington, above and beyond the call of duty, are in keeping with the highest traditions of the military service.

28 July, 1944

V-MAIL

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 403 % Postmaster, N.Y.

France

28 July, 1944

Dearest sweetheart –

No letter from you for a couple of days now; got one from Lawrence yesterday. I hope, darling, that by this time you’ve managed to have a vacation and if so I hope you had plenty of sunshine and good swimming. It’s years since I last visited Old Orchard – but it sure is a swell spot for bathing. You’re absolutely correct in your opinion about the bathing at Winthrop. It’s definitely not good. But it used to be a nice quiet place to rest – especially evenings. I wonder how it is now.

Yesterday I was busy with battalion duties all day. I had to get one of our men to a certain hospital and before the day was over, darling, I had been in every town – practically – on the whole peninsula. It’s amazing to see how people in the rear go on about their business now as if nothing had happened. Most homes have only partial roofs; practically none has windows. Stores are doing business – with no fronts to them and impromptu entrances. It’s all very strange – darling. I don’t know what the news reels are showing you – but I’m seeing it in the raw. All for now – Sweetheart. I do miss you something awful and I don’t know which is worse – a quiet nite when I can think and yearn – or a noisy one – when I’m scared and too busy to think.

My sincerest love

Greg

My love to the folks

* TIDBIT *

about "Old Orchard" Beach

CLICK ON PICTURES TO ENLARGE

Old Orchard Beach on the Cover of
The New Yorker 29 July 1944

The "old" apple orchard, from which the town of Old Orchard Beach took its name, was on high land above the long sandy beach and served as a landmark to sailors for many years. In 1820 Maine, part of Massachusetts at the time, became a new State by act of the United States Congress. In that same year the first inn was opened, serving coach travelers and other transients year round. In 1837, E.C. Staples was coaxed into taking summer boarders at his farm for $1.50 per week. Convinced of Old Orchard Beach's potential as a summer resort, Staples built the first Old Orchard Boarding House near the top of today's Old Orchard Street.

1842 brought the first steam railroad from Boston to Portland with a station just 2 miles west of town. The first restaurant to sell seafood treats and "shore dinners" opened in 1851 near Staples Street. The Grand Trunk Railroad opened in 1853 connecting Montreal to Old Orchard Beach, enabling Canadian visitors to flock to this closest beach to Montreal. The seaside amusement park "Palace Playland", located in Old Orchard Beach, dates back to 1902 and sits on four acres of beachfront property. Palace Playland is one of the last old-time ocean-side amusement parks in New England.

In the past, two carousels were constructed with hand-carved horses and other animals. Old Orchard Beach was home to the first carousel in the United States, "Noah's Ark", a kid-friendly, boat-shaped fun-house with hand-carved figures of Noah and his family, designed to provide an exciting but not frightening experience for a 5-year-old. The entire structure would rock back and forth while guests meandered through dark passages. Colored lights would flash, loud electric horns would sound, and compressed air would shoot from the floor. On the "Jack and Jill" slide, two people would be placed on a large hemp mat in a wooden bucket, which would take them to the top of a 50-foot (15 m) tall tower and dump them onto a metal slide for a quick ride down.

CLICK ON IMAGES TO ENLARGE

The current 2011 version of Palace Playland consists of a newly built Ferris Wheel, a 24,000-square-foot (2,200 square meters) arcade,and 25 rides for both children and adults. The new Ferris Wheel replaced the 70-foot (21 m) high, decades old Sunwheel with one that is environmentally sound and technologically superior.

In addition to on-the-beach theme parks and a 700 foot long pier above the Atlantic Ocean tides, Old Orchard Beach's main attraction is its seven miles long, sandy beach. Maine has a tidal shoreline of 3,478 miles, of those only 35 are sandy beach. Old Orchard Beach has the largest share of any location in Maine. The beach stretches from Pine Point south to Camp Ellis. Old Orchard Beach has been repeatedly voted "Maine's Best Beach" by the state's residents. For many years, Old Orchard Beach served as a vacation place for America's rich and famous, including the Kennedys. It is rumored that Joe Kennedy first kissed Rose on Old Orchard Beach, under the pier.

Three versions of the Pier were constructed by man and modified by nature. The first, 1,770 feet (540 m) long, was built of steel in 1898. At its end was the Pier Casino, a ballroom with room for 5,000 dancers. Shortly after its completion a storm reduced its length by 150 feet (46 m). It was rebuilt, but 10 years later, after another storm, the pier was shortened to 700 feet (210 m) and the Casino was moved. Between WWI and WWII, the Casino hosted such acts as Guy Lombardo, Louis Armstrong, Benny Goodman, Xavier Cugat and Frank Sinatra. After the war Old Orchard became somewhat downscale, becoming known as a destination for working class party-goers. A fire in 1969 destroyed Noah's Ark, the two carousels, and the Jack and Jill slide. The Casino was demolished in 1970. The current pier was built in 1980 after being destroyed by a blizzard in 1978. The current structure stretches 500 feet (150 m) into the Atlantic Ocean. The wooden walk way is lined with souvenir shops, fair-style foods, and a night club at the end of the pier.

27 July, 1944

V-MAIL

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 403 % Postmaster, N.Y.

France

27 July, 1944

Wilma, darling –

I got a sweet letter from your mother yesterday, but none from you. I had been thinking of you and the folks all day and had written them earlier – so it was nice getting a letter. It kept me in the mood. I also heard from Steve who tells me you’re going to be “a sweet wife to have” – because among other things – you know how to put together cardboard cannons. You must show me sometime, darling. He really likes you, though, dear – and he’s frank enough to say he doesn’t – if he doesn’t. He still refers to you as Aunt Wilmer – so please put him straight.

The news around here has been good the past 24 hours and I hope it continues. Everyone here is optimistic – but I hope not dangerously so. It’s awfully easy to wish it were all over – but it isn’t over yet and on this front, at any rate, there’ll be plenty of hard fighting.

I finished reading that book I wrote you about and it was very good. We may have a movie tonite. I hope you’re on your vacation, sweetheart, and getting some relaxation. I continue to think of you and us constantly, dear, and it all ends up with I love you – and strongly! Love to the family and

All my love is yours –

Greg

26 July, 1944 (to her parents)

V-MAIL

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 403 % Postmaster, N.Y.

France

26 July, 1944

Dear Mother and Dad B –

I’m going to cheat a bit and write you a combined letter. It’s not because I couldn’t find something to write you individually – but because it takes less time – I have been busy of late.

Hearing from you and realizing that despite my having been away – I am close to you – makes me feel swell. These past couple of weeks I’ve been thinking so much about last summer and how I got to know Wilma and her folks. My thoughts end up so nicely when I realize that I am in fact engaged to Wilma – and I hope strongly that neither of you feels that it has been too difficult for her. If it has been a strain – I promise I’ll make it all up to her once I get back.

Things here – all in all – haven’t been too bad – and only occasionally not very pleasant. My work at the hospital – about which you know from Wilma – has been a wonderful time and also grand experience – which – considering I still belong to the 438th – has been a lucky break.

Well – that’s all for now. Keep well, don’t worry and I’ll be seeing you all one of these days. Love to Wilma, regards to the family.

Love

Greg.

* TIDBIT *

about Continuing Operation Cobra

CLICK ON MAP TO ENLARGE

The dotted lined rectangle shows the
limit of the saturation bombing area
just south of the road from Périers to St. Lô

From the "World War II Database" comes this excerpt:

American artillery officer Donald Bennett recalled the morning of 25 Jul when the bombing by 1,500 aircraft started:

Across three hours nearly every combat-capable plane in western Europe came in, starting with medium B-25s and B-26s, followed by the lumbering B-17s and B-24s, while a thousand or more fighters circled around the edge of the action, pouncing on any target of opportunity. The ground rolled from the concussion, smacking through the soles of our feet, pillars of smoke and dirt rising thousands of feet into the air.

Unfortunately, more "friendly" bombings occurred on the 26th. A total of 600 tons of bombs was released. The excerpt continues:

The earlier waves of bombs were dropped on top of Germans as planned, but as the smoke and fire blurred boundaries, bombardiers of the final few waves had a tough time figuring out where the Germans were. As a result, some of the bombs landed on top of American units. US Army Lieutenant Charles Scheffel and his unit was among those bracketed by friendly fire.

On my left, a crashing boom slammed me against the side of my foxhole and bounced me off the quaking ground. Pain knifed into my ears and squeezed air out of my lungs. I sucked in dirt and choked trying to breathe. Spitting, I opened my mouth against the deafening roar. Mother of God, they were going to kill us all.... I prayed somebody somewhere was on the horn telling these guys what they were doing to us down here.

150 Americans were killed by accident by these bombs. The highest ranking fatality of this massive friendly fire incident was a three-star general of the US Army, "blown out of his slit trench some two miles behind where I had been holed up," recalled Scheffel.

Here is an interview with Lt. Ray Holmquist, 120th Infantry Regiment, 2nd Battalion, about his experience during the "friendly" bombing:

"I mean the bombers were flying over in formation, it was a site to behold. And we were up there watching this fantastic armada. And my god I was looking up and here you could see a few bombs come out. I thought my god I have to take cover and I took cover in our battalion Headquarters. Our battalion headquarters had a heavy log, a fortification built into the hedgerow kind of wedged shaped and you get in through the side, just one small entry. It’s heavily timbered and its really good protection. And fortunately for me, that was the shelter I jumped into. It happened to be right next to me. Gees, I took the first cover I could get which was that shelter. I crawled in there and I think there were 7 others and I just laid on top of them. And by god, that shelter was hit with a 500-pound concussion bomb and the whole thing collapsed. The whole thing collapsed and there were big mounds of dirt on top of the timbers. The whole thing collapsed and somehow I was on top of the guy who I had been laying on top of. And they were buried and there was one other guy with me, just two of us. I could hear them, I think there was seven guys in the shelter, seven or nine, and they were buried. I could hear them down there and I tried to dig for them but it was an impossible task. I found my way out and got help. We got Captain Skier out, he was the S1, and he was still alive and he was put in an ambulance but all the rest of them were dead. As luck would have it or as bad luck would have it for Captain Skier the ambulance that he got into was bombed by our own troops and Captain Skier was killed. I mean that is a pretty hairy experience and there was so much confusion in our battalion I don’t know how we ever did take off. I got totally separated from the battalion. I was trapped there for quite awhile and digging for these guys and by the time I got out of there the battalion commander and all of his staff were gone. I was just kind of rambling, roaming around there, didn’t know really where I was or anyone else was.

Where was I to go? There wasn’t anything to do about anything. (Laughing) It was total chaos like you can’t believe. There is all kinds of dead and many wounded we had to take care of. You have to take care of the wounded and the dead. So I was really on my own. The battalion staff had disappeared and I didn’t know where they were. And here there was big take off and we were supposed to go 8 miles down the road to this city. Here I was wandering around in this hedgerow country basically all alone. Shit all I know is that our mission was to go down this road; I didn’t even know where the road was. I was just roaming around there all the rest of that day. I didn’t go out at night I took cover. I just search the next day. I knew the direction of the battle and I followed the direction of the battle and it was destruction like you couldn’t believe. It was utter, utter destruction. There was nothing that lived, burning tanks and burning vehicles, dead animals, dead Germans, dead Americans. I was just alone. I mean there were troops all over but I didn’t know where my battalion was. There were other American troops all over the place but they were all part of an organization and they didn’t care about me. There were vehicles and troops all over but I didn’t know where is my battalion."

Immediately after the bombings, the American 4th, 9th, and 30th Infantry Divisions charged into German lines even as smaller bombers and fighters continued to attack German positions further beyond the line. "The few Germans who were encountered were out of their heads with shock," recalled Bennett as his M-7 artillery pieces went in. Indeed, the elite Panzer Lehr Division lost much effectiveness with some of their tanks overturned and two thirds of personnel becoming casualties of the bombing. The advancing infantry divisions gained 12,000 yards on 25 and 26 July, supplying the mobile breakthrough to occur on 27 July.

CLICK ON IMAGES TO ENLARGE

Reconnaissance for 2nd Armored Division in Canisy
(5.5 miles from St. Lô) after American artillery
bombardment on 26 July 1944
(This photo came from PhotosNormandie's Flickr Photostream)


German Panzer Lehr Panther XXX destroyed by
Operation "Cobra" bombs on 25 July 1944


Another Panzer Lehr Panther III destroyed and
enemy captured during Operation "Cobra"
on 26 July 1944

24 July, 1944 (2nd letter)

[Note from FourthChild: No letter on the 25th
so I saved this 2nd letter of the 24th for today.]

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 403 % Postmaster, N.Y.

France

24 July, 1944         2100

My darling wife-to-be –

Home? A real meaning to me? How can I ever possibly put into words what that word really means? It is the embodiment of everything I dream about, think of, want, live for. Home is something that the Lord somehow doesn’t let us appreciate when we have it – and yet makes us miss it so sorely when we’re away from it. And when I know what’s waiting for me there – well sweetheart, I just can’t write what I feel.

I suppose, dear, I do sound different in my letters than I did in February and March – but I am different, too – and the life I’ve experienced in the past several weeks has made it so. But about you, and home – if I feel different, it’s only because I miss you and want you more strongly. Maybe some of my hurried letters don’t intimate as much, but please try to remember, darling, that I sometimes write you of a day – when I shouldn’t be writing; but I don’t feel right, either, if I don’t jot down even a few words to you each day. War is a rotten business and certainly will change a lot of men – but darling – I don’t think it will change doctors because they’ve seen a lot of misery and human destruction in their work – and this is just more of the same. War usually ends up in terms of territory gained or lost; actually the soldier on the field gets little of that impression; what he sees and what hardens him is the cheapness of life and for him war is expressed in terms of how many of his men were killed or wounded – as against the enemy. At least that’s the way I see it. So don’t worry, darling, about my seeming different. If I am, it’s only because I miss you more acutely than I ever did before and sometimes feel bitter because I can’t be with you yet.

This evening I got 3 letters of yours – 10, 11, 12th of July. That’s good! I enjoyed them immensely an darling – I hope you’re not too lonesome. I think your plan of getting a couple of weeks off is excellent and I hope you’ve done just that by now. To realize also that you and my folks are getting along so well – is wonderful for me, dear, because I feel that at least you’re not completely wasting your time.

You imply you have an idea of where I am and generally speaking you’re correct, dear. But remember – as the map moves – so do we. We are not stationary.

As for experiences – yes I’ll have a lot to tell you if you won’t tire of listening. Sweetheart – I don’t know what other fellows can be writing about what they’re doing – that I’m not. You should have a pretty good picture of my activities by now. Up to noon time – I’ve been spending my time with the battalion – usually visiting one of the batteries each day. That means traveling a few miles in various directions – because they’re spread out, checking on sanitation, health, diet, etc. After lunch – I head for the hospital and stay there until mid-evening usually; anywhere from 1800 to 2100. I have been doing surgery there – as I wrote you; lots of it and it’s been a wonderful opportunity. By the time I return (the hospital is quite a distance behind us now) I do a few odd things and then it’s time for bed. If my outfit moves during the day – as it does about every 3-4 days – when I return, I have to dig in. That’s all there is, darling, nothing more – day in and day out. We listen to the news as often as we can and get just as excited about it as you. Often we find out by radio what has happened during the day – happened just a few miles from us.

CLICK ON IMAGE TO ENLARGE

Soldier receiving mail in a camouflaged foxhole

Sweetheart – that’s about all for now. It’ll be getting dark soon and I have a couple of things to take care of. You must know, dear, how much I miss and love you; I can’t tell you too often. I dream only of us and my return and I, too, feel it won’t be too far off – so keep your chin up darling and before you know you will wake up to find me beside you –

Love to the family and

All my love is yours, dear

Greg.

24 July, 1944

V-MAIL

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 403 % Postmaster, N.Y.

France

24 July, 1944        1030

Dearest sweetheart –

Happy Anniversary! And now we’ve known each other an entire year. I do wish we could be celebrating together, darling – but maybe next year we’ll really tie one on. Boy – I sure would like to get fried, boiled, stewed – or just plain stinko! But with you – of course. I’ve had a bottle of Cognac for weeks now and the only part that’s gone is that which I gave my boys the nite I got it. Some of the men over here are really doing some plain and fancy drinking – but I’ll still reserve my drinking for special occasions.

Last nite we had a chance to see a movie, again. “The Uninvited” – with Ruth Hussey and R. Milland – a fair story. We had a few interruptions – which made it even more weird. I got a letter from Mary – with medallions galore for Pete and me. Also got one from Lawrence – of July 10 – but none from you, darling. I wonder if our mail is being held up again – and for what purpose.

Work at the hospital is still quiet – but they work it that way i.e. they flood them with cases for about 2½ - 3 weeks and then ease off for about 10 days. We should start working again soon.

So long for now, sweetheart, remember I LOVE YOU – and that I’m very very glad I love you – to put it in simple terms!! Love to all.

All my love to you –

Greg

* TIDBIT *

about Operation Cobra's False Start

CLICK ON PICTURES TO ENLARGE

Air Chief Marshal Leigh-Mallory had set the "Cobra" H-Hour at 1300, 24 July. On the morning of 24 July he went to Normandy to observe the operation and found the sky overcast with thick clouds. Deciding that visibility was inadequate for the air attack, he ordered a postponement. Unfortunately, he was too late. The message announcing his decision reached England only a few minutes before the actual bombing was to commence in France. Although the planes were ordered to return without making their bomb runs, it was impossible to get them all back. In accordance with the original planning, six groups of fighter-bombers and three bombardment divisions (about 1,600 heavy bombers) had departed their bases in England and headed toward France. Only the medium bombers, scheduled to bomb last, had not left the ground when the postponement order came. Of the six groups of fighter-bombers in the air, three received the recall order before they dropped their bombs. The other three bombed the general target area, a narrow strip, and certain targets north of the Périers-St. Lô highway, with no observed results. The postponement message to the heavy bombers kept back only a few planes in the last formation.

Ignorant that "Cobra" had been postponed, pilots of the great majority of the heavy bombers guided their big craft on toward the target. Because no precise radio channels had been designated for emergency communication, there was no certain means of transmitting the news of the postponement to these planes. While air force personnel in France attempted to get word to the craft aloft, the first formation of 500 heavy bombers arrived over the target area. Fortunately, they found visibility so poor that no attack was made. The second formation found cloud conditions so bad that only 35 aircraft, after making three bomb runs to identify the target, released their loads. Over 300 bombers of the third formation, with slightly improved weather conditions, dropped their bombs - about 550 tons of high explosive and 135 tons of fragmentation - before the postponement message finally got through to cancel the remainder of the strike.

The 24 July bombing was unfortunate, not only because of the likelihood of negating the surprise planned for "Cobra," but also because it killed 25 men and wounded 131 of the 30th Division.The tragedy was the result of one accident. The lead bombardier of a heavy bomber formation had had difficulty moving his bomb release mechanism and had inadvertently released a portion of his bombs over the wrong location. The fifteen aircraft flying in the formation followed his example and released their bombs. The bomb load fell 2,000 yards north of the Périers-St. Lô highway.

CLICK ON PICTURES TO ENLARGE

Dead and wounded of the 30th buried beneath an avalanche
of dirt thrown by the accidental bombing on 24 July 1944.
(Close-up, below)

Infantrymen and medics dig out a soldier half-buried
as a result of "friendly" aircraft hitting the 30th Division,
117th Infantry Regiment (also shown above).


Medics preparing the wounded for transport after
the bombing accident on 24 July 1944.

The bombardment accident released a flood of controversy. To provide additional protection for the ground forces, General Bradley had recommended that the planes make their bomb runs laterally across the front, parallel to the front lines, instead of approaching over the heads of American troops and perpendicular to the front. Recognizing that pilots preferred a perpendicular approach to minimize antiaircraft interference, he had suggested that the planes use the sun for concealment - if the attack occurred in the morning, the bombers could fly from east to west; in the afternoon, they could attack over a reverse course. In either case, the straight road between Périers and St. Lô would be an unmistakably clear landmark as a flank guide. Having expected a lateral approach to the target area, General Bradley was astonished and shocked when he learned that the planes had made a perpendicular bomb run. Using a perpendicular approach, Bradley said later, was an act of treachery on the part of the Air Forces, "a serious breach of good faith in planning." Other ground commanders had also anticipated a lateral approach, and their surprise was deepened by the horror that the news of casualties brought. But full agreement had never been reached.

On the ground, VII Corps had executed the initial part of the "Cobra" attack by withdrawing the front-line troops of the 9th and 30th Divisions several hundred yards to the north. The poor weather conditions had prompted commanders to wonder whether the lack of visibility would cancel the air bombardment, but General Collins was characteristically optimistic. He believed that the planes would get through the haze. Even if the heavy bombers were not able to take part in the air attack, he felt that the fighter-bombers would be on hand and that their bombardment would give sufficient impetus for the attack. He therefore told his subordinate commanders to go ahead. If the fighter-bomber effort proved insufficient, he expected the heavy bombers to return on the following day.

Word that the air bombardment had been postponed reached the ground troops just before the bombardment actually started. Why then had the bombs been dropped? Half an hour later General Collins learned that "Cobra" was postponed on the ground as well as in the air. However, Collins realized that the withdrawal of the 9th and 30th Divisions had created a vacuum that the Germans would fill unless the infantry returned to the vicinity of the Périers-St. Lô highway. Therefore, to prevent the enemy from moving north of the Périers-St. Lô highway, the three infantry divisions had to attack at 1300 as though "Cobra" were going into effect. In reality, the divisions were seeking to restore the front line that had existed before the air bombardment.

The abortive air bombardment on 24 July had obviously alerted the Germans to the American ground attack that followed. Enemy artillery fire began to fall in large volume. All three assault divisions had a difficult time that afternoon. On the corps right, the 9th Division committed its three regiments: the 60th Infantry battled enemy troops that had infiltrated behind the withdrawal; a reinforced battalion of the 47th Infantry struggled until dark to gain a single hedgerow; two battalions of the 39th Infantry fought eight hours to reduce a strongpoint and took 77 casualties. In the corps center, the 4th Division committed the 8th Infantry, which attacked in a column of battalions with tank support; after two hours of heavy fighting and a loss of 27 killed and 70 wounded, the regiment reached a point 100 yards north of the highway. On the corps left, the 30th Division did not advance at once because the assault elements were stunned and demoralized by the bombardment accident. It took almost an hour for the units to recover and reorganize, by which time enemy artillery fire had subsided. The division then advanced and reoccupied its original lines.

There was no time for recrimination on 24 July, for an immediate decision had to be made. Should General Bradley agree to another bombardment under the same terms and thereby indirectly condone the possibility of additional American casualties? Or should he insist on changing the pattern of air attack, which would mean postponing "Cobra" for several days at least? With higher headquarters anxious for action, General Bradley had little choice. The ground attack on the afternoon of 24 July had re-established the necessary "Cobra" conditions. Prospects for good weather on 25 July were improving. The question whether the premature bombing had lost the Americans tactical surprise was to be resolved at once: the Allies would launch "Cobra" again at 1100, 25 July.

23 July, 1944

V-MAIL

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 403 % Postmaster, N.Y.

France

23 July, 1944         1030

Good morning, darling –

It’s Sunday morning and right at the moment, I haven’t a thing to do. Pete dropped over a few minutes ago and when he saw I was writing you he asked me to be sure and send his best regards to you and to thank you for remembering him. I always pass on your regards, dear, but usually forget the reverse.

Everything sees to be going along well – although somewhat slowly in this sector at present. We haven’t been getting the best break in the weather – but we will soon. News from all other sources is so good – I actually worry about it. If it hasn’t much background – there will be an awful let-down. The fact is it can’t last too much longer, darling – and you now what that means. In case you don’t – it means that even with sweating out an Army of Occupation – I’ll be coming home to marry you. Gosh I hope we aren’t being too optimistic. For the time being there’s still plenty of fighting around here – I’m afraid – but we’ve got the Jerries number – and they know it.

No mail again – but maybe today, sweetheart. Hope all is well at home, my love to the folks – and

My deepest love, dear

Greg

* TIDBIT *

about Operation "Goodwood"

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As a hush fell over the American front after the capture of St. Lô, intense activity began in the British sector. The British Second Army launched a strong attack, Operation "Goodwood", that promised the Allies an excellent chance of achieving a breakthrough. Had it succeeded, "Cobra" may not have been necessary.

"Goodwood" had grown indirectly out of the situation on the American front. At a conference on 10 July General Bradley had admitted to General Montgomery that he was discouraged about the offensive in the Cotentin Peninsula and that he was thinking of the new "Cobra" idea, not yet completely formulated. General Montgomery had advised him to "take all the time he needed" in the Cotentin. To assist, the British would continue the basic Montgomery pattern of action: attempt to draw the German strength away from the American sector, hold the eastern part of the front firmly and keep the enemy forces opposite the British engaged and off balance by limited objective attacks. Immediately after the conference, General Dempsey, the commander of the Second British Army, suggested that the British might take a more positive role in the campaign and launch a strong attack of their own. Montgomery's first reaction was negative, but on reflection he ordered planning started that same day. He alerted Dempsey to hold a corps of three armored divisions in reserve for a "massive stroke" east of the Orne River from Caen to Falaise. By 13 July three armored divisions were ready under control of the British 8 Corps.

By launching "Goodwood", the British would throw a left hook at the Germans; by following quickly with "Cobra" the Americans would strike with a right cross. The immediate objective of "Goodwood" was the rolling plain southeast of Caen, rising toward Falaise. Though neither Montgomery nor Dempsey mentioned Falaise specifically in their orders, they and other commanders were thinking of Falaise and even of Argentan as objectives perhaps quickly attainable if the battle developed favorably.

Meanwhile, to protect the open country around Caen, Eberbach, the German commander of Panzer Group West, had established a zone defense composed of infantry positions echeloned in depth and covered by antitank fire. The main battle positions, about 1,200 yards deep, consisted of three lines, while local reserves had organized another defensive line about a mile to the rear.

The two major deficiencies of the air bombardment launched earlier at Caen were to be corrected for "Goodwood". Only fighter-bombers were to attack in the zone where armored divisions were to make the main effort, and thus the extensive cratering that had slowed armor at Caen would be avoided. The ground troops were to attack immediately after the air strike in order to capitalize on the paralyzing effect of the bombardment on the Germans. While British naval units fired from the Seine Bay in support, bombers in the largest concentration yet utilized in direct support of a single ground attack loosed their explosives near Caen at daylight, 18 July. Almost 1,700 planes of the RAF Bomber Command and the U.S. Eighth Air Force, plus almost 400 medium and fighter-bombers of the U.S. Ninth Air Force, dropped more than 8,000 tons of bombs to open a path for British ground forces.

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B-24 Liberator passes over area of mushrooming fragmentation
bombs, clearing out enemy troops and installations a few miles in
front of advancing British forces. Picture taken on 18 July 1944.

The 8 Corps of the Second British Army, employing three armored divisions, closely followed the air bombardment of 18 July and advanced over three miles in little more than an hour. Tactical surprise and the effect of the bombardment were responsible. Eberbach had not expected Montgomery, who had a reputation for caution, to make a major attack out of the narrow bridgehead he possessed east of the Orne. Even after the attack got under way, Eberbach could not really believe that it was the British main effort. Montgomery had achieved surprise by moving his assault divisions across the Orne only a few hours before the jump-off. With German troops destroyed or dazed by the bombardment, the divisions manning defensive positions in the bombed corridor were momentarily paralyzed. Despite valiant efforts to reorganize, they were unable to offer real resistance to the British armored attack. From about 0900 to noon, the 8 Corps was on the verge of achieving a clean penetration. Only when the British hit the enemy's antitank and flak guns on the last defensive line was the advance halted.

Recovering from the surprise by noon, Eberbach mobilized and committed four tank battalions and four infantry battalions of the 1st SS and 21st Panzer Divisions in a counterattack, which dispelled British hope of further immediate penetration. Though the British had lost 270 tanks and 1,500 men on the first day of attack, "Goodwood" continued on 19 July as the British endeavored to extend their gains by limited local attacks. Resistance continued strong, and the British that day lost 131 tanks and incurred 1,100 casualties. Further attempts to advance on 20 July, at a cost of 68 tanks and 1,000 casualties, resulted in little progress. When a heavy thunderstorm on the afternoon of 20 July turned the countryside into a quagmire, "Goodwood" came to an end. An ineffective German counterattack on 21 July signaled the close of the operation.

During the four-day attack, 8 Corps had secured thirty-four square miles of ground and the Canadian 2d Corps had captured the remainder of the city of Caen and part of the plain immediately to the southeast. The 8 Corps lost 500 tanks and over 4 ,000 men; tank losses in the entire operation totaled 36 percent of all British tanks on the Continent. Although territorial gains were small, particularly when compared with losses and with the expenditure of the air bombardment, Montgomery's attack by 20 July had exhausted Eberbach's reserves.

While the Germans, despite discouragement, were content that they had fought as well as they could, the Allies were far from happy. General Eisenhower had expected a drive across the Orne from Caen and an exploitation toward the Seine Basin and Paris. Montgomery had been more cautious in his anticipations. On the afternoon of 18 July, the first day of the attack, General Montgomery had been "very well satisfied" to have caught the enemy off balance. The effect of the air support seemed "decisive." The Second British Army had three armored divisions operating in the open country southeast of Caen, and armored cars and tanks, he thought, were threatening Falaise. Two days later, Montgomery judged that the purpose of the attack had been accomplished. The 8 Corps had advanced nearly six miles and taken 2,000 prisoners, all of Caen had been secured, and the Orne bridgehead had been more than doubled in size. General Montgomery on 20 July instructed General Dempsey to withdraw his armored troops into reserve and replace them with infantry.

To those in the Allied camp who had expected a decisive breakthrough and exploitation, expressions of satisfaction seemed hollow. Disappointment led General Eisenhower to write Montgomery on 21 July to question whether they saw "eye to eye on the big problems." He reiterated that the Allied needs were the Breton ports; increased space for maneuver, administration, and airfields; and the destruction of German military forces. He remarked that he had been "extremely hopeful and optimistic" that "Goodwood", by "tremendous air attack," would have a decisive effect on the battle of Normandy. That did not come about, and as a result, he was pinning his immediate hopes on Bradley's attack.