28 November 1944

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 230 % Postmaster, N.Y.

Germany

28 November,       1944

Dearest darling Wilma –

Well, I don’t know; There’s one thing about the war at this point, and that is – the Germans are catching more hell than we are, because in addition to their Army, the civilians are taking a beating. I can’t tell you how many civilians I’ve treated in the past couple of days – badly wounded civilians with serious injuries incurred from booby traps and anti-personnel mines – left behind by their own godammed army. It’s a pleasure to hear these same civilians curse their own soldiers for using tactics like that – because it certainly is a bastardly way to fight a war. Well, every mine exploded by a civilian – is one less we have to worry about. I guess I have about the busiest practice in town – and I think I’ll open an office in Filene’s – on the street floor after the war, dear. This central location of ours – with our Geneva Cross flying in the front and from the back door certainly keeps them coming – wounded, sick babies, old men, children with rashes, etc. Too bad I haven’t got an adjoining operating room – I could really have a field day.

We got some mail yesterday, darling, but I got two only, one from you and one from Eleanor. I’ve still got a bunch of them due me – but they’ll be coming in one of these days. What I’ve just written you, dear, is not to worry you – but merely in answer to one of your letters some time ago in which you hoped we were giving the Germans hell. If the papers say we are – you can believe them in that respect. Any single town that is defended – is being leveled by our artillery, and of course the Air Corps has already done a terrific job. This whole Rhineland is being devastated – and after the war they’ll be busy for years trying to build up some of their cities. I hope the other side of the Rhine catches a bit of the same medicine. If it does, Germany – as a modern, civilized country – will cease to exist.

You also asked me in one of your letters if I knew my ARC Field Director. The answer is “No” – darling, since I have had no occasion to contact him for any reason at all. I did know a couple of them in England, one in particular who had the Ipswich district. He was a regular fellow – came from Cleveland and his name was Bob Armstrong. Over here – the Directors remain with the Corps – Rear, usually – where we aren’t. Our only contact with the ARC has been the Club-Mobiles, whose effect upon us is much more immediate.

And one more thing you asked of me in a recent letter – and that was – to love you hard. Sweetheart – if I love you any harder – you’ll soon start to ache – even at this great distance! Yes, dear, I love you hard – and long and constantly – and I know I always shall no matter how long I’ll be away from you. And when I’m finally with you and marry you – my pent-up love will have to be metered – or I’ll be classified as dangerous.

That’s all for now, sweetheart. I hope everyone is well at home and taking things in stride. My love to the folks, dear and

My sincerest love to you

Greg.

* TIDBIT *

about The Destruction of Germany

Greg speaks of the devastated Rhineland and the rebuilding that will have to take place after the war. Here are some of the facts:

All German towns and cities above 50,000 population were from 50% to 80% destroyed. Dresden with a population larger than that of Liverpool was incinerated with an estimated 135,000 civilian inhabitants burned and buried in the ruins. Hamburg was totally destroyed and 70,000 civilians died in the most appalling circumstances. Cologne with a population greater than Glasgow's was turned into a moonscape. As Hamburg burned the winds feeding the three-mile high flames reached twice hurricane speed to exceed 150 miles per hour. On the outskirts of the city trees three feet in diameter were sucked from the ground by the supernatural forces of these winds and hurled miles into the city-inferno, as were vehicles, men, women and children. Between 1940 and 1945, German cities with a total population of 25 million souls were destroyed or devastated. Here is a list of 111 of those cities, towns and villages:

Berlin		Essen		Koblenz		Recklinghausen
Aachen		Frankfurt		Konigsburg		Regensburg
Arrnang-Pucheim		Frankfurt-Oder		Krefeld		Remscheid
Aschaffenburg		Freiburg		Kreuznach		Reuel
Augsburg		Friedsrichhafen		Kulmbach		Reutlingen
Bad Kreuznach		Gelsdenkirchen		Leipzig		Rome
Bayreuth		Genoa		Linz		Rostock
Bielefeld		Gieben		Lubeck		Saarbrucken
Bocholt		Gladbach		Ludwishafen		Schweinfurt
Bochum		Gladbeck		Luneberg		Schwerte
Bonn		Graz		Madgeberg		Siegen
Bozen		Hagen		Mailand		Solbad Hall I.T.
Braunschweig		Hale		Mainz		Solingen
Bremen		Hamburg		Mannheim		Stuttgart
Bremmenhaven		Hamelin		Moers		Turin
Chemnitz		Hamm		Munchen		Ulm
Coburg		Hanau		Munich		Vienna
Cuxhaven		Hanover		Munster		Vilach
Danzig		Heilbronn		Neapel		Wanne-Eickel
Darmstadt		Hildesheim		Neumunsster		Wetzler
Dorsten		Homberg		Noremberg		Wiener Neustadt
Dortmund		Innsbruck		Oberhausen		Wiesbaden
Dresden		Kaiserlautern		Osnabruck		Wilhelmshafen
Duisburg		Karlsruhe		Paderborn		Witten
Duren		Kiel		Passau		Woms
Dusseldorf		Klagenfurt		Pforzheim		Wuppertal
Elmshorn		Kleve		Pirmasons		Wurzburg
Emden		Knittelfeld		Plauen

Here are photos of some of these devastated cities, copied from a website called "rvision".

CLICK ON PICTURES TO ENLARGE

Aachen


Berlin


Braunschweig


Bremen


Cologne


Darmstadt


Dresden


Duren


Essen


Frankfurt


Freiburg


Karlsruhe


Mannheim


Mittelwihr


Munich


Münster


Nuremberg


Sigolsheim


Ulm

27 November 1944

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 230 % Postmaster, N.Y.

Germany

27 November, 1944        1125

My dearest sweetheart –

Well, as I was saying yesterday, I’ve been pretty busy the last couple of days; particularly so yesterday. In the first place, as I wrote you dear, we are now working out of a large department store. It’s only a one story affair, but it occupies the width of perhaps 7 or 8 ordinary stores, and it is quite deep. We live upstairs in what was an apartment house. The Germans living there were told to scram – and although that sounds rather hard, darling – this is war and I can’t feel sorry for any one of them. In France and Belgium we couldn’t do that. Here – if we find an empty house – we just move in. If we need a spot because of the tactical situation, we so inform the military government and there’s no question asked – the people move out. Where they go – I don’t know, but they don’t argue with us. Of course our military government has said that we can’t be in the same house as Germans – or vice versa, and that makes it tougher on the Germans – because we sometimes have enough room for us and the Germans. It is so in this case, and thus, we’re occupying only about half this apartment house, but the other half is now empty. You don’t realize you are part of an invading Army until things like this occur. If we need stoves, for example, we inform our military government and they tell us where to go and get them – German stoves of course.

CLICK ON PICTURES TO ENLARGE

American Military Government Headquarters
Stolberg, Germany - December, 1944

Yesterday we had a very busy day for a second reason, but I can’t go into details on that, dear. Suffice it to say, I was on my toes for the greatest part of the day. It started off that way again this morning, but it looks as if I may have less to do this p.m. Right now I’m going to lunch, dear, and I’ll finish this later.

1300

And it is now, later, darling – and let’s see, what was I going to comment upon? Oh – yes – you mentioned having visited the Christian Science Building and the Mother Church, and you wondered whether I had. Yes, dear, I did – a few years back. I think too few people in and around Boston are aware of how beautiful a structure that is. I’ve never seen anything quite like it anywhere else – and I’ve seen some beautiful buildings in my travels. Ahem – that certainly sounded stuffy, didn’t it dear – but this war, if nothing else, has given me the opportunity to see more places and things of interest than I ever dreamed of seeing.

Yes. I too wish I had been present at our own engagement, sweetheart, but in lieu of that, I’m happy that we became engaged anyway, and it makes me even happier to read that you feel that same way. However, don’t forget, dear, that whether I put the ring on your finger or not – the significance is absolutely the same, the seal is just as strong, and you are just as much mine. I will want to put it on your finger myself, though, as soon as I see you, darling, – and then – and then we’ll be married. Lord – how often and how hard I think about that! I know I love you more than I’ve ever been able to tell you, dear – you’ll just have to wait until I get back, I guess, to find out for yourself.

That’s all for now, dear, I must move on. I hope you’re hearing from me fairly regularly now. My love to the folks – and

My everlasting love,

Greg

* TIDBIT *

about The Military Government

Greg sent a picture of the Stolberg Military Government Headquarters. The following description of their role in the occupation of German towns was excerpted from Chapter 10 of the Army Historical Series titled The U.S. Army in the Occupation of Germany 1944-1946, written by Earl F. Ziemke for the Center of Military History of the United States Army, first printed  in 1975.

The procedure was the same everywhere, as it was to be throughout Germany. First came the posting of the Supreme Commander's proclamation and the ordinances.

Ordinances Being Posted and Read

 
   

The second step was to find the Buergermeister (mayor) or, if he could not be found or was obviously a Nazi, appoint one and thereby establish a link to the population. The military government officers had to make decisions on the character of certain Germans immediately, namely, those whom they appointed to administrative posts in the occupied communities. Such decisions were almost never easy. One of the first and most frustrating discoveries was that administrative ability usually went hand in hand with political taint; the Nazi party had been thorough in enlisting able men one way or another. The Germans themselves had unintentionally helped solve what was probably the easiest part of the problem, getting rid of Nazi incumbents, by evacuating almost the entire civil administration, including the police and fire departments; but they had also either destroyed or taken along the local records, which left military government nothing to go on in reconstructing the governments or in checking on the people who had stayed behind. One information source the Germans had overlooked was the Church. Since the occupied area was overwhelmingly Catholic, the priests knew nearly everyone and a great deal about local politics. In the early weeks, before both became a bit more wary of each other, the detachments relied heavily on the priests for advice, and a few priests became temporary Buergermeisters in their communities.

In Stolberg the 3d Armored Division uncovered a bona fide Nazi Buergermeister, Dr. Ragh, who had been in office since 1935. Under the Weimar Republic, he had been a leading member of one of the middle class parties. After all other parties were abolished in the spring of 1933, he had joined the Nazis. Under Ragh, the government of Stolberg had been markedly less Nazi than those of the surrounding towns, reportedly to the annoyance of the local party leaders. People questioned about him said he had done his job well and had made it clear that his party membership was a formality, necessary for being in office. While conceding that he was the kind of man who would probably win in a free election, the military government dismissed him.

His successor, Dr. Deutzmann, was just the opposite type. His ability as an administrator was unproven, but he was not a Nazi. He had supported the republic in the 1920s and had not switched after Hitler came to power. He had been a primary school principal slated for promotion. When the Nazis came in, he was demoted to the rank of ordinary teacher. In appointing him to replace Ragh, military government had deliberately chosen political character over administrative efficiency, no doubt both out of moral conviction and out of knowledge that a Buergermeister with Ragh's past service under the occupation would make headlines in the press from London to San Francisco. The local clergy and reportedly the people seemed to support the sacrifice of efficiency for character. For military government the Ragh case, nevertheless, raised qualms about determining who were "active Nazis or ardent sympathizers."

Next came a series of security actions. The first was to collect weapons, ammunition, and explosives in civilian possession and confiscate radio transmitters and other means of communicating with the enemy, including pigeons. The orders to surrender prohibited items were followed by house-to-house searches, which in fought-over areas frequently turned up sizable collections of arms that the civilians had not turned in, probably more out of fear than malice. For convenience and for security, the civilians also had to be kept out of the way of the tactical troops.

Collecting Guns and Cameras


Searching a House

Often the commanders would have preferred to have the civilians removed altogether; in early October V Corps tried evacuating a five-by-ten-mile area in the Eupen-Malmedy sector where the inhabitants were nominally Belgian although real loyalties were difficult to determine. V Corps' G-5 thought little of the experiment at the beginning, and even less later. It appeared only to prove what military government doctrine had assumed all along, namely, that people could be controlled best at home. Moving them was expensive; imposed hardships on the old, the young, and the ailing; made the evacuees economic charges of the occupation forces when their own crops and property were lost or damaged; and probably allowed dissidents to conceal themselves more easily.

From the start military government - and, after the V Corps' experience, the tactical commands too - preferred to rely on circulation restrictions and the curfew. The stringency of both tended to depend somewhat on the tactical situation and the whim of the local commander. In general, no one was allowed to travel more than three miles from his home, and gatherings of more than five people, except in food queues and in church, were prohibited. The curfew was always at least from sunset to sunrise, and very often local commanders extended it through the daylight hours as well, giving the men an hour in the morning and evening to go to and from work and the women an hour or two during the day to fetch food and water.

The key to population control was knowing who was being controlled; this problem usually provided the detachments with their first big job. Every adult civilian had to be registered and issued a registration card, which would give military government a permanent hold on him. In the towns occupied in September there appeared at first to be almost no one to register. The German authorities, to avoid the propaganda embarrassment of having Germans under Allied rule, had ordered all inhabitants to evacuate to the east. The towns seemed empty for several days after being occupied, until those who had disobeyed the evacuation order felt safe enough or became hungry and thirsty enough or just curious enough to leave the cellars and woods. None of the places occupied in 1944 had their usual populations, but on the average, excluding Aachen, about a third of the people stayed behind which, after the war had passed through the communities, was more than most of the towns could house or the land could support.

The Germans were easier to understand in the abstract and from a distance than as flesh-and-blood people in their own communities. The French had been friends and allies - even if frequently not very friendly. The Germans were enemies and alleged inveterate disturbers of world peace; but how well they lived up to their image seemed to depend on the angle and distance from which they were observed. G-5, First Army, was struck by their orderly behavior and reported that they kept to their homes but seemed to be watching the troops with great interest while attempting to conceal their curiosity. On the streets, the army reported, the men saluted the American soldiers or tipped their hats politely. The children were more friendly. Many of them ventured to wave at passing soldiers, which their elders allowed them to do.

Further removed, Headquarters or the European Civil Affairs Division (ECAD), described the Germans as outwardly blank, stolid, and indifferent, while inwardly harboring "subdued, latent hostility mixed with fear." Most of them, ECAD claimed, shied away from anyone in uniform and remained stubbornly taciturn under questioning. However, an observer from the Psychological Warfare Division of SHAEF, who actually entered the occupied area, reported:

The crossing of the German frontier is something of a shock. Even in Nazi Germany the cows have four legs, the grass is green, and children in pigtails stand around the tanks. Self-indoctrination by years of propaganda make it a shock to rediscover these trivialities. All the officers with whom we spoke reinforced this. The people left behind in this area are human beings with a will to survive. Just because we are conquerors and they know it, they are in certain ways easier to handle than the liberated Belgians or Frenchmen. They know they must obey our orders, and if they are allowed to survive and reconstruct their lives by self-help, they do not of themselves cause any trouble. Behind the front line, for instance, every road and byway is littered with cables, telephone lines, etc. Minor sabotage would be child's play. It has not happened because the people are not interested in the war but in looking after themselves.

26 November 1944

V-MAIL

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 230 % Postmaster, N.Y.

Germany

26 November, 1944      1600

Hello Sweetheart!

This time I really only have a couple of minute’s time in which to write you, dear. It’s been and still is a very busy day from several points of view.

We are now moving our Dispensary on the main street of a fair-sized town – and above all places – inside a Department Store. Our particular section formerly was a ladies underwear department, so the boys have been trying on foundations etc. Most of them were too small for us, though.

Dispensary with a Red Cross Flag
Outside Closed Department Store
Stolberg, Germany 1944


A Market Area of Stolberg in 1990

Darling – I must stop now. I’m busier than I thought I was when I started. Will try to write tomorrow. Love to the folks.

All my love, dear

Greg

Route of the Question Mark


CLICK TO ENLARGE

(A) Hahn to (B) Stolberg, Germany (6 miles)
11 October to 26 November 1944

November 26... Stolberg. We became city dwellers again, living in a vacant department store in comparative luxury. The mess-hall had tables and benches. There was a place to show motion pictures three times a week. We were warned almost daily about "The Blonde" who lived in the cellar next door. Here we had more guard posts than you could shake a stick at. Our first casualties: the wire-crew's weapons carrier hit a mine and T/Sgt [Manuel C.] OLIVIERA, T/5 [Alfred M.] SELL, T/5 [William M.] HENSHAW, T/5 [Richard D.] DE SILVA all got the Purple Heart. Marlene Dietrich entertained us in a USO show, dressed all in gold and singing "See What the Boys in the Back Room Will Have." Paddy, the Personnel section's dog, was lost in Stolberg; we received most of our Christmas packages; T/Sgt [Sheridan F.] HAGGETT and Pfc [Mariano] CRISCIONE decorated the biggest Christmas tree in Germany only to have to abandon it two days before Christmas, for we received news that von Rundstedt had broken through our line, and we made impressive preparations to resist a paratroop attack.

25 November 1944

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 230 % Postmaster, N.Y.

Germany

25 November, 1944       1400

My dearest sweetheart –

It is actually 1415 now and I’ve just finished listening to the BBC newscast. Apparently there’s quite a war on, dear, although I don’t really need the radio to tell me that.

Today is Saturday again and this afternoon has just barely cleared out enough to have a football game – I mean if a game were scheduled. It’s quiet here now – outside and just another afternoon to kill. Afternoons have been rather un-busy these past several days – and consequently they pass very slowly. The evenings set in here now just about 1700-1715, as we’re finishing supper, and they’re long. It’s a good thing we’ve got into the habit of playing Bridge, for I’m finding that I manage to play about four nights a week anyway – and it sure does help pass an evening. We played last night and had some swell hands – including a Grand slam which my partner made – although I helped. It’s the first one I’ve ever taken part in, and I got quite a kick out of it.

I was wondering yesterday whether or not you got your Birthday present from me, darling; it seems like an awfully long time since I sent it out, but I haven’t heard a word from the APO – so I don’t know. Our APO is moving, by the way, and I suppose we won’t have any mail for another few days.

I’m sorry to disappoint you, darling, in reference to the G.I. Bill of Rights, although I don’t know all the details – it seems to me that most of the benefits apply to soldiers under 25, so I don’t believe it will help marry Professional men. I’m not worrying much about that subject though any more, dear. I’m just going to take things in stride and worry about that angle after I get back.

From what you wrote about Verna and Irv’s trip to Washington, they must have had a grand time. She corroborated that in a letter I got from her a few days ago – or did I tell you already, dear? I think Stanley will eventually remain away from Boston and from what I gather, it will probably be just as well. With a wife at odds with his friends, a good deal of unpleasantness would undoubtedly result. Verna implied that Betty was paying a good bit of the expenses, but that Stan was putting up his usually good front. I suppose you’ve heard all about this from Verna directly.

It’s exactly 1520 now and I suppose I should keep my mouth shut about it being quiet afternoons – of late. People have been coming in and out and I’ve just been able to sit down and write again, darling. I just had to send a soldier with a ruptured ear drum – to the hospital. The way he got it, I can’t tell you now – some other time perhaps, dear.

I haven’t told you yet that I love you, sweetheart, and after all – that’s what I try to tell you, successfully or not, every time I write you. It doesn’t make much difference either – whether it’s noisy or quiet here; about that, I’m always clear and I know how I feel and think. I would love so much to be with you tonight and every night, dear – instead of spending so many of these nights alone. You once wrote me – you’d never let me out of your sight once I got back; let alone sight, dear, – I don’t believe I’ll ever let you out of my arms – once I get you into them – so beware!

All for now, sweetheart, I’ll sign off for now. My love to the folks and

All my deepest love,

Greg

* TIDBIT *

about The Attempt for Grosshau

CLICK ON PICTURES TO ENLARGE
American Advances 16 November 1944 to 2 December 1944
by the 1st, 4th and 8th Infantry Divisions
and the 5th Armored Division

From "The Siegfried Line Campaign", written by Charles B. MacDonald for the U.S. Army's Center for Military History (1990), Chapter XX, page 466 comes this:

On 25 November 1944, the day before the 12th Infantry reached the woods line to provide the 22d Infantry a secure flank, Colonel Charles T. "Buck" Lanham saw a chance to capitalize on the commitment that day of the 5th Armored Division's CCR against Huertgen. In conjunction with that attack, he ordered an immediate attempt to capture Grosshau.

Colonel Charles "Buck" Lanham (right) with
author Ernest Hemingway in September of 1944

Seeking surprise, Colonel Lanham maneuvered one battalion through the woods to hit the village from the northwest while another battalion converged on it from the southwest. The plan did not work. Delayed four hours while tanks and tank destroyers picked a way over muddy trails and firebreaks, the attack lost every vestige of surprise. When the jump-off actually came at noon, coordination with the armor failed. Only three tanks and a tank destroyer emerged from the woods with the infantry. Antitank gunners in Grosshau quickly picked off the tanks. At the same time violent concentrations of artillery fire drove the infantry back. Men who had yearned for so long to escape the stifling embrace of the forest now fell back on it for refuge.

The sad results of this attack prompted the division commander, General Barton, to approve another pause in the 22d Infantry's operations. Colonel Lanham was to consolidate his positions, bring up replacements, and make detailed plans for taking Grosshau. In particular, the regiment was to make maximum use of nine battalions of artillery which were either organic or attached to the division. Here on the edge of the forest the artillery for the first time might provide observed, close-in fires capable of influencing the fighting directly and decisively.

In the meantime, on the division's north wing, Colonel Richard G. McKee's 8th Infantry on the second and third days of the renewed attack had come to know the true measure of the advantage the regiment had scored. The battalion which on 22 November had reached the junction of Road U and the Renn Weg drove northeast along Road U for more than a mile. Although subjected to considerable shelling, this battalion encountered only disorganized infantry resistance. On 24 November Colonel McKee sent this battalion northward to fill out the line between Road U and the division's north boundary and at the same time to cut behind those Germans who still were making a fight of it at Gut Schwarzenbroich. During the same two days, another battalion moved slowly against more determined resistance southeast along the Renn Weg and on 25 November surged to the regiment's south boundary. The total advance was more than a mile.

Colonel McKee's 8th Infantry stood on the brink of a breakthrough that could prove decisive. In four days, the regiment had more than doubled the distance gained during the first six days of the November offensive. The forward positions were almost two miles beyond the line of departure along Road W. Only just over a mile of forest remained to be conquered.

Yet how to achieve the last mile? The troops were exhausted. Because the leaders had to move about to encourage and look after their men, they had been among the first to fall. A constant stream of replacements had kept the battalions at a reasonable strength, but the new men had not the ability of those they replaced. For all the tireless efforts of engineers and mine sweepers, great stretches of the roads and trails still were infested with mines. Even routes declared clear might cause trouble. Along a reputedly cleared route, Company K on 23 November lost its Thanksgiving dinner when a kitchen jeep struck a mine. Every day since 20 November had brought some measure of sleet or rain to augment the mud on the floor of the forest. To get supplies forward and casualties rearward, men sludged at least a mile under constant threat from shells that burst unannounced in the treetops and from bypassed enemy troops who might materialize at any moment from the depths of the woods. Again a gap had grown between the 8th Infantry and the 22d Infantry. The gap was a mile and a quarter wide.

Medics aid a wounded soldier in the woods

With the failure of the 22d Infantry at Grosshau on 25 November, the 4th Division commander, General Barton, had at hand an all too vivid reminder of the condition of his units. Much of the hope that entry of the V Corps into the fight might alter the situation had faded with the disastrous results of the unrewarding early efforts of that corps to capture Huertgen. The successes of the 8th and 22d Infantry Regiments in renewing the attack on 22 November appeared attributable more to local maneuver than to any general pattern of enemy disintegration. General Barton reluctantly ordered both regiments to suspend major attacks and take two or three days to reorganize and consolidate.

24 November 1944

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 230 % Postmaster, N.Y.

Germany

24 November, 1944       1100

Dearest sweetheart –

The day after Thanksgiving – and if I were the type that has a big ‘head’ – on the ‘day after’ – I’d have a big head. We really had a party, a good meal, and a good time. When I finished writing to you yesterday, it was about 1430. Having nothing much to do then, I wandered over to Headquarters battery office and found a couple of other officers sitting around. Almost from nowhere, dear, a bottle of Scotch appeared and knowing that the Colonel would not object on a Holiday afternoon – we got going on that. And then it started to come. Each new officer that appeared – after our calling him on the phone, had to bring a bottle of something, half-full, full – in other words, whatever he happened to have. Well darling, the collection included the following: Scotch, Cognac, Armagnac (stronger than Cognac), Champagne, Rhine River Wine, Cointreau, Eau de Vie (which is so strong that we use it for lighter fluid), and Benedictine. I can’t guarantee the order in which they appeared, but I can assure you – everything was consumed just as soon as it appeared. Of course – we ended up with about ten officers, including the Colonel whom we called at about 1600. By this time we were singing all the old songs, trying to harmonize and not succeeding. At 1700 we went over to eat. The enclosed Menu gives you an idea of how much trouble Hq. battery went to to make the meal a better one than most. We went back to Belgium and got a printer to make up the menus, we dug up enough table cloths to cover all our wooden tables and the meal was excellent. It actually included everything you see on the Card. Keep it, darling; I’d like to see it after the war.

CLICK ON MENU TO ENLARGE

Thanksgiving Day Menu, 1944

To top off everything, we got mail and I received 3 swell letters from you – 4, 6 and 7 November. I still have a good many blank spaces, but like you, sweetheart, I’m thankful for each and every one I receive, regardless of the order or the date.

We stayed around the dinner table for an hour and a half. There was more than enough turkey for everyone, for example – we had 150 pounds of turkey for 100 men.

And get this, dear, our Special Service chased high and low and managed to dig up a film for the evening – ”Shine On, Harvest Moon”. So you see – we had a pretty good Holiday, considering there’s a war going on!

I was sorry to read in one of your letters about Barbara Siegle having a history of Rheumatic Fever. That is a bad handicap, but not so much for the fact that she can’t get a job – as for the fact that she’ll have it for the rest of her life; and if it involves her heart, too, as it so often does – she’s going to have trouble when she gets to be about 40.

Your remarks about furnishing rooms interested me, darling. There are lots of ways to furnish various rooms, no doubt, but the fundamental thing is that they must be livable. That was one thing I didn’t like about most of the English homes I managed to see from the inside. One exception was that of the Reverend I got to know in Sherborne. The others were usually cold, dark and uncomfortable.

It’s approaching time for lunch, dear, so I’ll stop now. It was swell hearing from you again and reading that you love me more and more. I feel the same way, darling, my love for you does not rest – but continues to increase, and that’s a healthy sign. My love to the folks, sweetheart – and for now – so long.

My sincerest love

Greg

* TIDBIT *

about A Lesson in Contrast

The Fighting Men
These words from Francis E. Healer of the 709th Tank Battalion describing Thanksgiving of 1944, as written on a previous page called "Hotter than Hell in the Huertgen Forest," once found on "Scorpio's" website:

Very vivid, I remember the night of 23 November 1944, in the Huertgen Forest of Germany. Company D, 3rd Platoon, was engaged in Sector 1 through Sector 4.

We were up front all night on the 23rd, as a task force. It seemed that our Tank bounced four feet off the ground, under the heavy bombardment of the artillery fire.

Our Platoon Cmmander was Lieutenant Charles Ellis, an officer who did not want to get hurt, nor did he want any of his men hurt. I recall that I never had seen Lieutenant Ellis with a gun. He was a brave officer. After the night of the 23rd, we came back to gas and re-ammunition up for the day, November 24, 1944. It was while we geared up for another up-front that I made the statement that we were going back up front, and that some of us would not come back. I just had that premonition, and sure enough it happened.

A replacement Lieutenant got into our Tank, and we moved up front. When we got to the point where we had been, we relayed on the intercom that this is far enough, it was HOTTER THAN HELL ALL NIGHT.

The lieutenant said, "This is the jump off, keep driving." In less than thirty feet, we hit a minefield and off came both tracks. Yes, we were behind enemy lines and point blank to a Pill Box, less than sixty feet in front of us. WHAM, came the 88, and then thirteen Bazookas melted us. What a mess we were in. The lieutenant jumped out and hit a shoe mine, losing his foot at about the ankle. My Gunner was hit under the chin, with one of the Bazookas, KIA. I received numerous wounds to the left leg, by 88 fire. Three compound fractures and a dud, or AP Bazooka, took out the left shoulder. Sergeant Barrett did not get a scratch, but lost hearing in both ears. In the midst of HELL, we lasted about ten minutes. It was the longest ten minutes I have ever witnessed.

I, at the time, did not know who the lieutenant was but, in 1986, I met him at Louisville. His name was Lieutenant Truman Sylvest. We had a mission to do, and we tried to do what we were told to do. The situation became serious thereafter, when some of the men with me encountered heavy resistance, and above all the use of our own equipment against us, which had been captured or stolen.

HQs and the Generals
Greg's Thanksgiving at HQ as described in his letter was in sharp contrast to that of Francis Healer. Likewise, the Generals fared better.

The snapshots that follow were taken from Normandy to Victory: The War Diary of General Courtney H. Hodges & the First U.S. Army, maintained by his aides Major William C. Sylvan and Captain Francis G. Smith Jr.; edited by John T. Greenwood, copyright 2008 by the Association of the United States Army, pp.184 and 185.

CLICK ON PICTURES TO ENLARGE

23 November 1944

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 230 % Postmaster, N.Y.

Germany

23 November, 1944       1330

My dearest fiancée –

First of all, dear, a very Happy Birthday to you. Would that I could be with you now to look at you, hold you in my arms, kiss you and tell you I love you. We’re being cheated of so much, darling, it is maddening! I know you so well, I’m engaged to you, I love you so – and I haven’t helped you celebrate one of your birthdays yet – nor you – mine.

Missing a Holiday was always a tough thing, but missing you at a time when we should be celebrating – doesn’t seem fair at all. But this is Thanksgiving – and I’m thankful for all I do have. I guess that’s the best way to look at it, darling. We should be thankful that we have each other, no matter how far removed we are; thankful we are alive so that we can experience the poignancy of our emotion – which must of necessity be experienced at a distance. I’m thankful for you, Sweetheart, and for the fate that brought us together. And I’m thankful I’m in this war – alive and well.

This Thanksgiving will be a better one for us than was last year’s, despite the fact that we’re in enemy territory. Last Thanksgiving was the most miserable one I’ve ever experienced. I believe I told you we were on a train coming down from Scotland. We had K rations only; it was foggy, damp and cold. Everything was strange and lonesome – and believe me, dear, our morale was at a pretty low ebb. It’s not too bad today – considering everything. We’re having a Turkey dinner tonight at 1700; everyone who has any wine left at all is bringing it out and we’ll try to call it a celebration. The war is going on all about us here – as you probably know from the papers and the radio – but it’s funny how we’ve learned to forget about war when we want to, and project ourselves back to an old American custom. We’ve been reminiscing all day about last year – and the good old times before that. We’ll go right on doing that for the rest of the day – and tomorrow? Tomorrow will be just another day in the life of a soldier. We’ll be real again.

The weather here has continued to be abominable and it just doesn’t seem possible that it can be so constantly cloudy and wet. Right now outside my window – it’s coming down in buckets. I think we’re getting used to it though, for we rarely look up now to see if the clouds are breaking up or not.

There was a rumor that there was going to be some mail in tonight. I guess that will be about the best part of the Holiday for us – because we haven’t received mail for 4 days now and we miss it. The last mail I received contained no letter from you, dear. There was one from Charlie Wright – who is still at Fort Dix, New Jersey; and a letter from Mrs. Kerr – the elder – in Salem.

Before I close, Sweetheart, let me wish you the happiest of years, good health and good waiting. Do not forget for one single second, darling, that you have a fiancé who loves you as he has never loved anyone, who loves you and thinks of you constantly. I always shall, dear, and my greatest enjoyment in life will be to show you that love and make you love me even more than you do now. Love to the folks, dearest, so long for a while and

All my everlasting love,

Greg

P.S. Now that you’re 21 and a Major – I suppose we can really discuss intimate things from now on huh?

L.

Greg

P.P.S. OK, OK – that will be the last crack about your age!

L.

G.

* TIDBIT *

about Churchill's "America's Thanksgiving" Speech

22 November 1944

V-MAIL

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 230 % Postmaster, N.Y.

Germany

22 November, 1944      1100

Hello Sweetheart –

Well I’m back again and ready for some more work. What with 2 letters to you – not Air Mail in the last 2 days and the V-mail, you’ll be short of mail for a short period, dear, but I’ll get going again tomorrow. In case you don’t know what I’m talking about – I’ve just returned from a 3-day pass in Belgium. It came as a surprise – and when the opportunity presented itself – I took it. It was a good change and I really relaxed – away from noise, etc.

Now I’m back and the work is really piled up for me. Therefore this short note, sweetheart, before I get started, because once I do – I’ll be busy all day. This may get out today. Tomorrow is Thanksgiving and your Birthday, darling – and I’ll be missing you more than I can tell you. I love you dear and sure would like to be with you tomorrow – but enough of that –– for now. Will write more tomorrow

All my love

Greg

* TIDBIT *

about PFC Bernard F. Hillenbrand

The following story was excerpted from an entry called "My Last Day in Combat" in a former blog called "The Hillenbrand Report," which had been written and maintained by Bernie Hillenbrand, a Purple Heart combat infantry veteran who fought in the Battle of Aachen before entering the conflict in the Huertgen Forest.

My first day in infantry combat was off Omaha Beach, France well after D-Day. As an infantry replacement I was disembarking from the Belgian troopship Leopoldville. As I descended the rope ladder to our Landing Craft Infantry (LCI), my feet were inches above a Second Lieutenant. With no warning, a huge wave hit the landing craft and smashed it against the side of the ship crushing the officer to instant death. I was covered with his blood as in a desperate move I leaped into the LCI.

In my last battle I was an Infantry Rifleman and scout. My G Company of the 18th Regiment First Infantry Divison was advancing in the Huertgen Forest near the village of Eisweiler, Germany. It was November 22, 1944. There was about three inches of snow. My major job as a scout in an attack was to lead the squad and, frankly, to draw enemy fire to assess German defenses. At times my job also was to maintain contact with American units to the right and left to be sure that we did not tangle and fire on each other.

German Infantry Gun in Huertgen Forest
22 November 1944

The forest was still dense but under almost constant artillery fire from both sides. The German units had time to dig deep defenses as this area was part of the support system of the famed Siegfried Line. This was the great barrier designed to protect the German home front. The Germans were falling back upon their supply lines and we were moving farther away from ours. This put new strains upon our supplies of fuel and ammunition and all the necessities of war. Our morale was high. We were winning. German morale was low. They were now fighting for their survival.

My immediate concerns were to be an effective scout for my comrades to keep from getting killed. On that day we started at first light and were under constant artillery and motor fire. The greatest terror however was the presence of land mines, both the large ones designed to blow up tanks and the smaller ones designed to inflict terrible wounds. The favorite of the Germans was the “Jumping Mine”, made of wood and designed to leap a few feet into the air before it exploded. They inflicted wood fragments that were difficult to detect on X-rays and caused losses of arms and legs. Our greatest fear was the loss of manhood.

Profound fear was constant. Strangely enough the great antidote for fear for me was my sense of duty to be a good soldier and proud member of my Division. My life depended on my comrades and their lives depended upon me. This bond helps you keep your sanity. Another great factor for survival in infantry combat is profound fatigue. It becomes almost like a drug, deadening your senses to the extent that you can do terrible things with ease; things that would be impossible were you rested. “Kill or Be Killed” was posted everywhere in training camps but was not needed on the battle field.

We moved through the forest parallel to a narrow dirt road. We drew machine gun and mortar fire most of the day, losing many men. We also eliminated several fortified places took some prisoners and inflicted casualties. We suffered enormous casualties most of whom were brand new replacements. It seemed to me that this day would never end. Dark comes as a blessing to all infantry men. The forward motion comes to a halt. It is now time to dig a fox hole and cover it with wooded branches to afford some protection from the constant shelling.

Certain men become vital to your survival. They seem to know more about war than do you. They are leaders who you know have your best interest at heart. In war your salvation depends on obedience to orders. However, you have far more respect to a command when you admire the man who is giving it. My hero was Staff Sergeant Bodner. He was very private and I don’t even know his first name. We had come to the end of the winding forest road where it entered into a large open space. There was a bank about 12 feet high on one side of the road. Bodner asked me to help him lay two large anti-tank mines at the head of the road. The earth was frozen solid so we lay the mines on the surface and covered them with snow so that they would not be visible to approaching Panzers. The two of us then climbed to the top of the bank and together dug a shallow fox hole. Somehow we dug through the frozen ground and the roots of a tree. It was a terrible night. The artillery increased in intensity and the trees were cut down like wheat in the field. Our hole was down maybe three feet and we had a couple of limbs over the top.

The war finally caught up with Sergeant Bodner. At the height of one barrage he said he was going to cross over the road to the basement of a burned out barn. He was determined. I got on top of him and held him in our position until dawn. It was a struggle and Bodner started to break up. Somehow I kept him down but just at day light he won. He broke loose and jumped out and ran towards the barn. I opened a can of C ration and took one bite when I went black. I was unconscious. When I came to I was outside the fox hole and could see that it appeared to be a mortar hit. My first view was my left hand. It was swollen and looked more like a piece of meat than a hand. The snow was bright red and I realized that I had lost a lot of blood. I felt blood flowing from my shoulder and down my back.

It was obvious that the Germans had spotted our position and I had better move. I crawled back from the edge. There were more mortar rounds and continuous shelling. As I started back to the command post a replacement Lieutenant who I did not recognize took one look at me and asked it I could make it unaided to the aid station which he said had been established up the dirt road in the basement bottom of a burned out farm building. I told him I could. I started to move through the snow toward the road when another barrage started. There was a slight depression in the snow and I dove for it. Our runner Harry Kolasa stumbled in on top of me. At that instance a huge shell hit the tree above and huge pieces of steel hit Harry in the back and killed him instantly. I was covered with his blood and mine.

I next staggered to the road and followed in an old tank track, careful not to get out of the rut and hit a land mine. I had a separate fear that I might pass out in the snow and freeze to death. I managed to reach the aid station with great relief that once there my chances of survival were excellent. In the next 18 months I served temporary limited service in France and Germany to relieve our crowded hospitals. At the war's end I returned to surgeries and rehabilitation in Germany, Belgium, England and France and three American hospitals. My left hand was partially restored as were my other wounds. I was discharged June 14, 1946 after slightly over three years service.

Bernie Hillenbrand passed away Oct. 5, 2018 at age 93.