30 November 1944

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 230 % Postmaster, N.Y.

Germany

30 November, 1944        1115

My dearest sweetheart –

Another morning coming to an end and sick call just about over with. This is the end of the month again and it marks the 8th month anniversary of our Engagement, dear. It doesn’t really seem so long to me for I still get the same thrill at the realization that I am actually engaged to you, darling. It is so much more pleasure to me when I write you and am aware of what you mean to me. If you yourself are not fully aware, dear, I’ll tell you again that you mean more to me than anything else in the world – and that, sweetheart, is a great deal.

The end of the month also means paying off the men and getting paid myself. I believe I told you that last month I sent all of my pay home; I didn’t miss it either. There’s nothing to spend it on. Playing Bridge now solely and no Poker – I can’t lose much. As a matter of fact, since we’ve started paying, I’m ahead a few dollars. No one ever loses or wins more then 2 or 3 dollars a night and very often we pay off or collect 4 or 5 marks. I’m a confirmed Bridge addict now and prefer it to Poker – whenever there’s a choice. There are about seven of us that play – and there’s a game almost every night.

Last night we saw “Two Yanks Abroad” – and it was good entertainment, although rather thin. We did miss out on something good, though, earlier in the day. We found out about it too late. Marlene Dietrich was in this town and put on a show in the very next block – for some Armored Division troops. Had we known about it, we could have very easily attended.

And I got some mail, too! Three letters from you, darling, dated 28 October (2) and one of the 30th. Now that’s pretty darned slow. They must have come over on a freighter. One of your letters mentioned Rose Courtiss’ brother who received the Silver Star. That’s a pretty smart award! If he were in this Army, I could look up the citation and see why or how he got it, but he must have deserved it. An armored division gets around though.

I don’t know how I neglected to write you that I loved you from Holland, too, because I did, darling. But then – you know that. The fact is I love you everywhere and all the time – now that’s pretty all-inclusive, I think. And please don’t talk about China! That gives me the willies, too, dear.

It’s been so long since we’ve had anything like recent mail – I’m beginning to get a bit curious as to the results of my sending those packages to you. I can’t remember whether I wrote that the value did not exceed $50.00 – or not, but I know I didn’t write “gift”. And I don’t need anything, sweetheart, so you don’t need a request from me! The letter in which you asked me for a request came yesterday – and was written on the 27th of October. I can’t imagine what you had on your mind, dear, concerning my Birthday. You say you think it would be fun. Are you coming over, darling? Boy! oh Boy!! Now I can hardly wait! And what do you mean by “I might like it, if it works”? Do you mean if the object you planned to send me works – or if the plan works? See, dear – you’ve got me all mixed up! Oh well – we’ll see – .

I like to hear you complain about the Red Cross from time to time. It’s a healthy symptom – as long as something is done about it, and I suppose something is, eventually. At any rate, I would not aggravate myself too much over it, darling; it’s not worthwhile. You do your job and let the supervisors worry about the rest. I hope you have your uniform by now, dear; gosh – I’m anxious to see a picture of you in it, too. Send one on!

I’ll stop now, sweetheart. I’m already a little late for lunch but I wanted to finish this before eating. Hope to get more mail from you today. Meanwhile, dear – love to the folks and

My sincerest love is yours

Greg.

* TIDBIT *

about General Hodges and the Industrialists

The snapshots that follow were taken from Normandy to Victory: The War Diary of General Courtney H. Hodges & the First U.S. Army, by his aides Major William C. Sylvan and Captain Francis G. Smith Jr.; edited by John T. Greenwood, copyright 2008 by the Association of the United States Army, pp.192-193.

CLICK TO ENLARGE

29 November 1944

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 230 % Postmaster, N.Y.

Germany

29 November, 1944       1115

Good Morning, sweetheart –

We’ve been giving some more inoculations again this morning and that will keep us busy for the next few days. It’s a whole lot more trouble when we’re in the field than when we were in garrison – as you can easily imagine. But it gives us something to do and we don’t mind.

Last evening, after supper – before I forget it, let me tell you about our suppers of late. I don’t know how the Army does it – but we have been having some swell food in recent weeks. This past week starting with Turkey on Thanksgiving, we had chicken the next night, steak the next, then roast beef, then steak and tonight we have chicken again. If we get all this, the rest of the Army gets the sauce – and yet there are some guys who bitch at the food.

Anyway, after supper, we had a movie, the first in some time – it seems to me; the title – “Ladies in Washington” – with I don’t know whom. Suffice it to say, it was not Class A.

We didn’t get any mail yesterday, dear, but we do expect some today – and some of the packages should be starting to arrive. Every issue of the Stars and Stripes mentions the thousands of packages arriving here daily from the States – but our battalion hasn’t received very many as yet. Have to stop now and grab a bite to eat, darling. See you soon.

1250

Hello sweetheart –

Here I am again whether you like it or not for a bit more rambling. Gossip at lunch included the facts that the mailman had returned with two large bags full of mail – so I hope I get my share; also that there was to be another movie, probably tonite. “Two Yanks Abroad” – with Wm. Bendix; can’t recall having heard about it – but the price is right.

I enjoyed reading in one of your letters darling that you felt that you could confide in me more than you believed possible and more than in anyone else. That’s the way it should and will be, too. It is inevitable and right that we end up being closer to each other than to anyone else – including our families.

Yes, dear, you did mail a letter to me written 3 Nov. I received it some time ago. I know how you felt, too. I sometimes wonder what I did with a certain letter and for the life of me I can’t remember having mailed it. And I don’t play chess, by the way. When I was a junior intern at the Malden Hospital, years ago it seems, I learned, played it a few months – and I’ve never played it since. I don’t think I’ve ever had enough time to myself. I enjoyed it when I played it though. As you suggest, sweetheart, I’d just as soon stick to love. The Lord knows it’s difficult enough to carry that on by correspondence, darling. Imagine being able to say “I love you” and hearing you say the same to me. It will be strange, but wonderful and so easy to get used to – I should say offhand, dear.

And offhand I should say I ought to stop and do some work now, dear – There’s a new bunch here waiting to be inoculated. I don’t have to do it myself, but I have to get things started. So – for now, au revoir, sweetheart – and love to the folks.

All my deepest love

Greg.

* TIDBIT *

about The Taking of Grosshau

From "The Siegfried Line Campaign", written by Charles B. MacDonald for the U.S. Army's Center for Military History (1990), Chapter XX, page 471 comes this:

If Colonel Lanham's 22d Infantry could capture Grosshau, the division finally would be in a position to turn its full force northeastward on Duren along a road adequate for a divisional attack. Already commanders at corps and army level were making plans to strengthen the division for a final push. Except for CCR, which was fighting with the V Corps, the entire 5th Armored Division was transferred to the VII Corps and CCA earmarked for attachment to the 4th Division.

CLICK ON PICTURES TO ENLARGE

22nd Infantry in the Woods Near Grosshau, Germany
November 1944

The 22d Infantry commander, Colonel Lanham, intended to attack early on 29 November at the same time the V Corps was striking the neighboring village of Kleinhau. For all their proximity, Grosshau and Kleinhau were different types of objectives. Kleinhau is on high ground, while Grosshau nestles on the forward slope of a hill whose crest rises 500 yards northeast of the village. Appreciating this difference and all too aware of the carnage that had resulted on 25 November when the regiment had tried to move directly from the woods into Grosshau, Colonel Lanham planned a wide flanking maneuver through the forest to the north in order to seize the dominating ridge. Thereupon the enemy in Grosshau might be induced to surrender without the necessity of another direct assault across open fields.

Kleinhau, Germany - November 1944

German shelling interrupted attack preparations early on 29 November, so that the 5th Armored Division's CCR under the V Corps already was clearing Kleinhau before Lanham's flanking force even began to maneuver. Perhaps because CCR was getting fire from Grosshau, the 4th Division's chief of staff, Col. Richard S. Marr, intervened just before noon in the name of the division conimander to direct that Grosshau be taken that day. Because Colonel Lanham could not guarantee that his delayed flanking maneuver would bring the downfall of Grosshau immediately, Colonel Marr's instruction meant in effect that he had to launch a direct assault against the village.

Too late to recall his flanking force, he had only one battalion left. This was the 2d Battalion under Major Blazzard, which during the attack through the forest had borne responsibility for the regiment's exposed right flank and therefore had sustained correspondingly greater losses than the other battalions. Indeed, at this point, the 2d Battalion, 22d Infantry, was easily as weak as any battalion in the entire 4th Division. To make matters worse, Major Blazzard had only one company in a position to attack immediately.

Quickly scraping together two tanks and a tank destroyer to support this company, Blazzard ordered an attack on Grosshau down the main road from the west. Within an hour after receipt of the chief of staff's directive, the attack jumped off. Within fifteen more minutes, the infantry was pinned down in the open between the woods and the village and the two tanks had fallen prey to German assault guns. Two hours later Major Blazzard assembled eight more tanks of the attached 70th Tank Battalion and sent them around the right flank of the infantry to hit the village from the southwest. Two of these tanks hit mines at the outset. The others could not get out of the woods because of mine fields and bog.

The sun was going down on an abject failure when two events altered the situation. In the face of persistent resistance, Colonel Lanham's flanking battalion finally cut the Grosshau-Gey highway in the woods north of Grosshau, and as night came one battalion emerged upon the open ridge northeast of Grosshau, virtually in rear of the Germans in the village. Almost coincidentally, a covey of tanks and tank destroyers took advantage of the gathering darkness to reach Major Blazzard's stymied infantry along the road into Grosshau from the west. Firing constantly, the big vehicles moved on toward the village. The infantry followed. In a matter of minutes, the resistance collapsed. By the light of burning buildings and a moon that shone for the first time since the 4th Division had entered the Huertgen Forest, Major Blazzard's infantry methodically mopped up the objective. More than a hundred Germans surrendered.

Grosshau, Germany - November 1944


Sankt Appolonia Church
Grosshau, Germany - Today

In a larger setting, Grosshau was only a clearing in the Huertgen Forest, the point at which the 22d Infantry at last might turn northeastward with the rest of the 4th Division to advance more directly toward the division objective of Duren. During the night of 29 November, General Barton directed the shift. The first step was to sweep the remainder of the Grosshau clearing and to occupy a narrow, irregular stretch of woods lying between Grosshau and Gey. This accomplished, CCA of the 5th Armored Division might be committed to assist the final drive across the plain from Gey to Duren and the Roer River.

28 November 1944

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 230 % Postmaster, N.Y.

Germany

28 November,       1944

Dearest darling Wilma –

Well, I don’t know; There’s one thing about the war at this point, and that is – the Germans are catching more hell than we are, because in addition to their Army, the civilians are taking a beating. I can’t tell you how many civilians I’ve treated in the past couple of days – badly wounded civilians with serious injuries incurred from booby traps and anti-personnel mines – left behind by their own godammed army. It’s a pleasure to hear these same civilians curse their own soldiers for using tactics like that – because it certainly is a bastardly way to fight a war. Well, every mine exploded by a civilian – is one less we have to worry about. I guess I have about the busiest practice in town – and I think I’ll open an office in Filene’s – on the street floor after the war, dear. This central location of ours – with our Geneva Cross flying in the front and from the back door certainly keeps them coming – wounded, sick babies, old men, children with rashes, etc. Too bad I haven’t got an adjoining operating room – I could really have a field day.

We got some mail yesterday, darling, but I got two only, one from you and one from Eleanor. I’ve still got a bunch of them due me – but they’ll be coming in one of these days. What I’ve just written you, dear, is not to worry you – but merely in answer to one of your letters some time ago in which you hoped we were giving the Germans hell. If the papers say we are – you can believe them in that respect. Any single town that is defended – is being leveled by our artillery, and of course the Air Corps has already done a terrific job. This whole Rhineland is being devastated – and after the war they’ll be busy for years trying to build up some of their cities. I hope the other side of the Rhine catches a bit of the same medicine. If it does, Germany – as a modern, civilized country – will cease to exist.

You also asked me in one of your letters if I knew my ARC Field Director. The answer is “No” – darling, since I have had no occasion to contact him for any reason at all. I did know a couple of them in England, one in particular who had the Ipswich district. He was a regular fellow – came from Cleveland and his name was Bob Armstrong. Over here – the Directors remain with the Corps – Rear, usually – where we aren’t. Our only contact with the ARC has been the Club-Mobiles, whose effect upon us is much more immediate.

And one more thing you asked of me in a recent letter – and that was – to love you hard. Sweetheart – if I love you any harder – you’ll soon start to ache – even at this great distance! Yes, dear, I love you hard – and long and constantly – and I know I always shall no matter how long I’ll be away from you. And when I’m finally with you and marry you – my pent-up love will have to be metered – or I’ll be classified as dangerous.

That’s all for now, sweetheart. I hope everyone is well at home and taking things in stride. My love to the folks, dear and

My sincerest love to you

Greg.

* TIDBIT *

about The Destruction of Germany

Greg speaks of the devastated Rhineland and the rebuilding that will have to take place after the war. Here are some of the facts:

All German towns and cities above 50,000 population were from 50% to 80% destroyed. Dresden with a population larger than that of Liverpool was incinerated with an estimated 135,000 civilian inhabitants burned and buried in the ruins. Hamburg was totally destroyed and 70,000 civilians died in the most appalling circumstances. Cologne with a population greater than Glasgow's was turned into a moonscape. As Hamburg burned the winds feeding the three-mile high flames reached twice hurricane speed to exceed 150 miles per hour. On the outskirts of the city trees three feet in diameter were sucked from the ground by the supernatural forces of these winds and hurled miles into the city-inferno, as were vehicles, men, women and children. Between 1940 and 1945, German cities with a total population of 25 million souls were destroyed or devastated. Here is a list of 111 of those cities, towns and villages:

Berlin		Essen		Koblenz		Recklinghausen
Aachen		Frankfurt		Konigsburg		Regensburg
Arrnang-Pucheim		Frankfurt-Oder		Krefeld		Remscheid
Aschaffenburg		Freiburg		Kreuznach		Reuel
Augsburg		Friedsrichhafen		Kulmbach		Reutlingen
Bad Kreuznach		Gelsdenkirchen		Leipzig		Rome
Bayreuth		Genoa		Linz		Rostock
Bielefeld		Gieben		Lubeck		Saarbrucken
Bocholt		Gladbach		Ludwishafen		Schweinfurt
Bochum		Gladbeck		Luneberg		Schwerte
Bonn		Graz		Madgeberg		Siegen
Bozen		Hagen		Mailand		Solbad Hall I.T.
Braunschweig		Hale		Mainz		Solingen
Bremen		Hamburg		Mannheim		Stuttgart
Bremmenhaven		Hamelin		Moers		Turin
Chemnitz		Hamm		Munchen		Ulm
Coburg		Hanau		Munich		Vienna
Cuxhaven		Hanover		Munster		Vilach
Danzig		Heilbronn		Neapel		Wanne-Eickel
Darmstadt		Hildesheim		Neumunsster		Wetzler
Dorsten		Homberg		Noremberg		Wiener Neustadt
Dortmund		Innsbruck		Oberhausen		Wiesbaden
Dresden		Kaiserlautern		Osnabruck		Wilhelmshafen
Duisburg		Karlsruhe		Paderborn		Witten
Duren		Kiel		Passau		Woms
Dusseldorf		Klagenfurt		Pforzheim		Wuppertal
Elmshorn		Kleve		Pirmasons		Wurzburg
Emden		Knittelfeld		Plauen

Here are photos of some of these devastated cities, copied from a website called "rvision".

CLICK ON PICTURES TO ENLARGE

Aachen


Berlin


Braunschweig


Bremen


Cologne


Darmstadt


Dresden


Duren


Essen


Frankfurt


Freiburg


Karlsruhe


Mannheim


Mittelwihr


Munich


Münster


Nuremberg


Sigolsheim


Ulm

27 November 1944

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 230 % Postmaster, N.Y.

Germany

27 November, 1944        1125

My dearest sweetheart –

Well, as I was saying yesterday, I’ve been pretty busy the last couple of days; particularly so yesterday. In the first place, as I wrote you dear, we are now working out of a large department store. It’s only a one story affair, but it occupies the width of perhaps 7 or 8 ordinary stores, and it is quite deep. We live upstairs in what was an apartment house. The Germans living there were told to scram – and although that sounds rather hard, darling – this is war and I can’t feel sorry for any one of them. In France and Belgium we couldn’t do that. Here – if we find an empty house – we just move in. If we need a spot because of the tactical situation, we so inform the military government and there’s no question asked – the people move out. Where they go – I don’t know, but they don’t argue with us. Of course our military government has said that we can’t be in the same house as Germans – or vice versa, and that makes it tougher on the Germans – because we sometimes have enough room for us and the Germans. It is so in this case, and thus, we’re occupying only about half this apartment house, but the other half is now empty. You don’t realize you are part of an invading Army until things like this occur. If we need stoves, for example, we inform our military government and they tell us where to go and get them – German stoves of course.

CLICK ON PICTURES TO ENLARGE

American Military Government Headquarters
Stolberg, Germany - December, 1944

Yesterday we had a very busy day for a second reason, but I can’t go into details on that, dear. Suffice it to say, I was on my toes for the greatest part of the day. It started off that way again this morning, but it looks as if I may have less to do this p.m. Right now I’m going to lunch, dear, and I’ll finish this later.

1300

And it is now, later, darling – and let’s see, what was I going to comment upon? Oh – yes – you mentioned having visited the Christian Science Building and the Mother Church, and you wondered whether I had. Yes, dear, I did – a few years back. I think too few people in and around Boston are aware of how beautiful a structure that is. I’ve never seen anything quite like it anywhere else – and I’ve seen some beautiful buildings in my travels. Ahem – that certainly sounded stuffy, didn’t it dear – but this war, if nothing else, has given me the opportunity to see more places and things of interest than I ever dreamed of seeing.

Yes. I too wish I had been present at our own engagement, sweetheart, but in lieu of that, I’m happy that we became engaged anyway, and it makes me even happier to read that you feel that same way. However, don’t forget, dear, that whether I put the ring on your finger or not – the significance is absolutely the same, the seal is just as strong, and you are just as much mine. I will want to put it on your finger myself, though, as soon as I see you, darling, – and then – and then we’ll be married. Lord – how often and how hard I think about that! I know I love you more than I’ve ever been able to tell you, dear – you’ll just have to wait until I get back, I guess, to find out for yourself.

That’s all for now, dear, I must move on. I hope you’re hearing from me fairly regularly now. My love to the folks – and

My everlasting love,

Greg

* TIDBIT *

about The Military Government

Greg sent a picture of the Stolberg Military Government Headquarters. The following description of their role in the occupation of German towns was excerpted from Chapter 10 of the Army Historical Series titled The U.S. Army in the Occupation of Germany 1944-1946, written by Earl F. Ziemke for the Center of Military History of the United States Army, first printed  in 1975.

The procedure was the same everywhere, as it was to be throughout Germany. First came the posting of the Supreme Commander's proclamation and the ordinances.

Ordinances Being Posted and Read

 
   

The second step was to find the Buergermeister (mayor) or, if he could not be found or was obviously a Nazi, appoint one and thereby establish a link to the population. The military government officers had to make decisions on the character of certain Germans immediately, namely, those whom they appointed to administrative posts in the occupied communities. Such decisions were almost never easy. One of the first and most frustrating discoveries was that administrative ability usually went hand in hand with political taint; the Nazi party had been thorough in enlisting able men one way or another. The Germans themselves had unintentionally helped solve what was probably the easiest part of the problem, getting rid of Nazi incumbents, by evacuating almost the entire civil administration, including the police and fire departments; but they had also either destroyed or taken along the local records, which left military government nothing to go on in reconstructing the governments or in checking on the people who had stayed behind. One information source the Germans had overlooked was the Church. Since the occupied area was overwhelmingly Catholic, the priests knew nearly everyone and a great deal about local politics. In the early weeks, before both became a bit more wary of each other, the detachments relied heavily on the priests for advice, and a few priests became temporary Buergermeisters in their communities.

In Stolberg the 3d Armored Division uncovered a bona fide Nazi Buergermeister, Dr. Ragh, who had been in office since 1935. Under the Weimar Republic, he had been a leading member of one of the middle class parties. After all other parties were abolished in the spring of 1933, he had joined the Nazis. Under Ragh, the government of Stolberg had been markedly less Nazi than those of the surrounding towns, reportedly to the annoyance of the local party leaders. People questioned about him said he had done his job well and had made it clear that his party membership was a formality, necessary for being in office. While conceding that he was the kind of man who would probably win in a free election, the military government dismissed him.

His successor, Dr. Deutzmann, was just the opposite type. His ability as an administrator was unproven, but he was not a Nazi. He had supported the republic in the 1920s and had not switched after Hitler came to power. He had been a primary school principal slated for promotion. When the Nazis came in, he was demoted to the rank of ordinary teacher. In appointing him to replace Ragh, military government had deliberately chosen political character over administrative efficiency, no doubt both out of moral conviction and out of knowledge that a Buergermeister with Ragh's past service under the occupation would make headlines in the press from London to San Francisco. The local clergy and reportedly the people seemed to support the sacrifice of efficiency for character. For military government the Ragh case, nevertheless, raised qualms about determining who were "active Nazis or ardent sympathizers."

Next came a series of security actions. The first was to collect weapons, ammunition, and explosives in civilian possession and confiscate radio transmitters and other means of communicating with the enemy, including pigeons. The orders to surrender prohibited items were followed by house-to-house searches, which in fought-over areas frequently turned up sizable collections of arms that the civilians had not turned in, probably more out of fear than malice. For convenience and for security, the civilians also had to be kept out of the way of the tactical troops.

Collecting Guns and Cameras


Searching a House

Often the commanders would have preferred to have the civilians removed altogether; in early October V Corps tried evacuating a five-by-ten-mile area in the Eupen-Malmedy sector where the inhabitants were nominally Belgian although real loyalties were difficult to determine. V Corps' G-5 thought little of the experiment at the beginning, and even less later. It appeared only to prove what military government doctrine had assumed all along, namely, that people could be controlled best at home. Moving them was expensive; imposed hardships on the old, the young, and the ailing; made the evacuees economic charges of the occupation forces when their own crops and property were lost or damaged; and probably allowed dissidents to conceal themselves more easily.

From the start military government - and, after the V Corps' experience, the tactical commands too - preferred to rely on circulation restrictions and the curfew. The stringency of both tended to depend somewhat on the tactical situation and the whim of the local commander. In general, no one was allowed to travel more than three miles from his home, and gatherings of more than five people, except in food queues and in church, were prohibited. The curfew was always at least from sunset to sunrise, and very often local commanders extended it through the daylight hours as well, giving the men an hour in the morning and evening to go to and from work and the women an hour or two during the day to fetch food and water.

The key to population control was knowing who was being controlled; this problem usually provided the detachments with their first big job. Every adult civilian had to be registered and issued a registration card, which would give military government a permanent hold on him. In the towns occupied in September there appeared at first to be almost no one to register. The German authorities, to avoid the propaganda embarrassment of having Germans under Allied rule, had ordered all inhabitants to evacuate to the east. The towns seemed empty for several days after being occupied, until those who had disobeyed the evacuation order felt safe enough or became hungry and thirsty enough or just curious enough to leave the cellars and woods. None of the places occupied in 1944 had their usual populations, but on the average, excluding Aachen, about a third of the people stayed behind which, after the war had passed through the communities, was more than most of the towns could house or the land could support.

The Germans were easier to understand in the abstract and from a distance than as flesh-and-blood people in their own communities. The French had been friends and allies - even if frequently not very friendly. The Germans were enemies and alleged inveterate disturbers of world peace; but how well they lived up to their image seemed to depend on the angle and distance from which they were observed. G-5, First Army, was struck by their orderly behavior and reported that they kept to their homes but seemed to be watching the troops with great interest while attempting to conceal their curiosity. On the streets, the army reported, the men saluted the American soldiers or tipped their hats politely. The children were more friendly. Many of them ventured to wave at passing soldiers, which their elders allowed them to do.

Further removed, Headquarters or the European Civil Affairs Division (ECAD), described the Germans as outwardly blank, stolid, and indifferent, while inwardly harboring "subdued, latent hostility mixed with fear." Most of them, ECAD claimed, shied away from anyone in uniform and remained stubbornly taciturn under questioning. However, an observer from the Psychological Warfare Division of SHAEF, who actually entered the occupied area, reported:

The crossing of the German frontier is something of a shock. Even in Nazi Germany the cows have four legs, the grass is green, and children in pigtails stand around the tanks. Self-indoctrination by years of propaganda make it a shock to rediscover these trivialities. All the officers with whom we spoke reinforced this. The people left behind in this area are human beings with a will to survive. Just because we are conquerors and they know it, they are in certain ways easier to handle than the liberated Belgians or Frenchmen. They know they must obey our orders, and if they are allowed to survive and reconstruct their lives by self-help, they do not of themselves cause any trouble. Behind the front line, for instance, every road and byway is littered with cables, telephone lines, etc. Minor sabotage would be child's play. It has not happened because the people are not interested in the war but in looking after themselves.

26 November 1944

V-MAIL

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 230 % Postmaster, N.Y.

Germany

26 November, 1944      1600

Hello Sweetheart!

This time I really only have a couple of minute’s time in which to write you, dear. It’s been and still is a very busy day from several points of view.

We are now moving our Dispensary on the main street of a fair-sized town – and above all places – inside a Department Store. Our particular section formerly was a ladies underwear department, so the boys have been trying on foundations etc. Most of them were too small for us, though.

Dispensary with a Red Cross Flag
Outside Closed Department Store
Stolberg, Germany 1944


A Market Area of Stolberg in 1990

Darling – I must stop now. I’m busier than I thought I was when I started. Will try to write tomorrow. Love to the folks.

All my love, dear

Greg

Route of the Question Mark


CLICK TO ENLARGE

(A) Hahn to (B) Stolberg, Germany (6 miles)
11 October to 26 November 1944

November 26... Stolberg. We became city dwellers again, living in a vacant department store in comparative luxury. The mess-hall had tables and benches. There was a place to show motion pictures three times a week. We were warned almost daily about "The Blonde" who lived in the cellar next door. Here we had more guard posts than you could shake a stick at. Our first casualties: the wire-crew's weapons carrier hit a mine and T/Sgt [Manuel C.] OLIVIERA, T/5 [Alfred M.] SELL, T/5 [William M.] HENSHAW, T/5 [Richard D.] DE SILVA all got the Purple Heart. Marlene Dietrich entertained us in a USO show, dressed all in gold and singing "See What the Boys in the Back Room Will Have." Paddy, the Personnel section's dog, was lost in Stolberg; we received most of our Christmas packages; T/Sgt [Sheridan F.] HAGGETT and Pfc [Mariano] CRISCIONE decorated the biggest Christmas tree in Germany only to have to abandon it two days before Christmas, for we received news that von Rundstedt had broken through our line, and we made impressive preparations to resist a paratroop attack.

25 November 1944

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 230 % Postmaster, N.Y.

Germany

25 November, 1944       1400

My dearest sweetheart –

It is actually 1415 now and I’ve just finished listening to the BBC newscast. Apparently there’s quite a war on, dear, although I don’t really need the radio to tell me that.

Today is Saturday again and this afternoon has just barely cleared out enough to have a football game – I mean if a game were scheduled. It’s quiet here now – outside and just another afternoon to kill. Afternoons have been rather un-busy these past several days – and consequently they pass very slowly. The evenings set in here now just about 1700-1715, as we’re finishing supper, and they’re long. It’s a good thing we’ve got into the habit of playing Bridge, for I’m finding that I manage to play about four nights a week anyway – and it sure does help pass an evening. We played last night and had some swell hands – including a Grand slam which my partner made – although I helped. It’s the first one I’ve ever taken part in, and I got quite a kick out of it.

I was wondering yesterday whether or not you got your Birthday present from me, darling; it seems like an awfully long time since I sent it out, but I haven’t heard a word from the APO – so I don’t know. Our APO is moving, by the way, and I suppose we won’t have any mail for another few days.

I’m sorry to disappoint you, darling, in reference to the G.I. Bill of Rights, although I don’t know all the details – it seems to me that most of the benefits apply to soldiers under 25, so I don’t believe it will help marry Professional men. I’m not worrying much about that subject though any more, dear. I’m just going to take things in stride and worry about that angle after I get back.

From what you wrote about Verna and Irv’s trip to Washington, they must have had a grand time. She corroborated that in a letter I got from her a few days ago – or did I tell you already, dear? I think Stanley will eventually remain away from Boston and from what I gather, it will probably be just as well. With a wife at odds with his friends, a good deal of unpleasantness would undoubtedly result. Verna implied that Betty was paying a good bit of the expenses, but that Stan was putting up his usually good front. I suppose you’ve heard all about this from Verna directly.

It’s exactly 1520 now and I suppose I should keep my mouth shut about it being quiet afternoons – of late. People have been coming in and out and I’ve just been able to sit down and write again, darling. I just had to send a soldier with a ruptured ear drum – to the hospital. The way he got it, I can’t tell you now – some other time perhaps, dear.

I haven’t told you yet that I love you, sweetheart, and after all – that’s what I try to tell you, successfully or not, every time I write you. It doesn’t make much difference either – whether it’s noisy or quiet here; about that, I’m always clear and I know how I feel and think. I would love so much to be with you tonight and every night, dear – instead of spending so many of these nights alone. You once wrote me – you’d never let me out of your sight once I got back; let alone sight, dear, – I don’t believe I’ll ever let you out of my arms – once I get you into them – so beware!

All for now, sweetheart, I’ll sign off for now. My love to the folks and

All my deepest love,

Greg

* TIDBIT *

about The Attempt for Grosshau

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American Advances 16 November 1944 to 2 December 1944
by the 1st, 4th and 8th Infantry Divisions
and the 5th Armored Division

From "The Siegfried Line Campaign", written by Charles B. MacDonald for the U.S. Army's Center for Military History (1990), Chapter XX, page 466 comes this:

On 25 November 1944, the day before the 12th Infantry reached the woods line to provide the 22d Infantry a secure flank, Colonel Charles T. "Buck" Lanham saw a chance to capitalize on the commitment that day of the 5th Armored Division's CCR against Huertgen. In conjunction with that attack, he ordered an immediate attempt to capture Grosshau.

Colonel Charles "Buck" Lanham (right) with
author Ernest Hemingway in September of 1944

Seeking surprise, Colonel Lanham maneuvered one battalion through the woods to hit the village from the northwest while another battalion converged on it from the southwest. The plan did not work. Delayed four hours while tanks and tank destroyers picked a way over muddy trails and firebreaks, the attack lost every vestige of surprise. When the jump-off actually came at noon, coordination with the armor failed. Only three tanks and a tank destroyer emerged from the woods with the infantry. Antitank gunners in Grosshau quickly picked off the tanks. At the same time violent concentrations of artillery fire drove the infantry back. Men who had yearned for so long to escape the stifling embrace of the forest now fell back on it for refuge.

The sad results of this attack prompted the division commander, General Barton, to approve another pause in the 22d Infantry's operations. Colonel Lanham was to consolidate his positions, bring up replacements, and make detailed plans for taking Grosshau. In particular, the regiment was to make maximum use of nine battalions of artillery which were either organic or attached to the division. Here on the edge of the forest the artillery for the first time might provide observed, close-in fires capable of influencing the fighting directly and decisively.

In the meantime, on the division's north wing, Colonel Richard G. McKee's 8th Infantry on the second and third days of the renewed attack had come to know the true measure of the advantage the regiment had scored. The battalion which on 22 November had reached the junction of Road U and the Renn Weg drove northeast along Road U for more than a mile. Although subjected to considerable shelling, this battalion encountered only disorganized infantry resistance. On 24 November Colonel McKee sent this battalion northward to fill out the line between Road U and the division's north boundary and at the same time to cut behind those Germans who still were making a fight of it at Gut Schwarzenbroich. During the same two days, another battalion moved slowly against more determined resistance southeast along the Renn Weg and on 25 November surged to the regiment's south boundary. The total advance was more than a mile.

Colonel McKee's 8th Infantry stood on the brink of a breakthrough that could prove decisive. In four days, the regiment had more than doubled the distance gained during the first six days of the November offensive. The forward positions were almost two miles beyond the line of departure along Road W. Only just over a mile of forest remained to be conquered.

Yet how to achieve the last mile? The troops were exhausted. Because the leaders had to move about to encourage and look after their men, they had been among the first to fall. A constant stream of replacements had kept the battalions at a reasonable strength, but the new men had not the ability of those they replaced. For all the tireless efforts of engineers and mine sweepers, great stretches of the roads and trails still were infested with mines. Even routes declared clear might cause trouble. Along a reputedly cleared route, Company K on 23 November lost its Thanksgiving dinner when a kitchen jeep struck a mine. Every day since 20 November had brought some measure of sleet or rain to augment the mud on the floor of the forest. To get supplies forward and casualties rearward, men sludged at least a mile under constant threat from shells that burst unannounced in the treetops and from bypassed enemy troops who might materialize at any moment from the depths of the woods. Again a gap had grown between the 8th Infantry and the 22d Infantry. The gap was a mile and a quarter wide.

Medics aid a wounded soldier in the woods

With the failure of the 22d Infantry at Grosshau on 25 November, the 4th Division commander, General Barton, had at hand an all too vivid reminder of the condition of his units. Much of the hope that entry of the V Corps into the fight might alter the situation had faded with the disastrous results of the unrewarding early efforts of that corps to capture Huertgen. The successes of the 8th and 22d Infantry Regiments in renewing the attack on 22 November appeared attributable more to local maneuver than to any general pattern of enemy disintegration. General Barton reluctantly ordered both regiments to suspend major attacks and take two or three days to reorganize and consolidate.

24 November 1944

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 230 % Postmaster, N.Y.

Germany

24 November, 1944       1100

Dearest sweetheart –

The day after Thanksgiving – and if I were the type that has a big ‘head’ – on the ‘day after’ – I’d have a big head. We really had a party, a good meal, and a good time. When I finished writing to you yesterday, it was about 1430. Having nothing much to do then, I wandered over to Headquarters battery office and found a couple of other officers sitting around. Almost from nowhere, dear, a bottle of Scotch appeared and knowing that the Colonel would not object on a Holiday afternoon – we got going on that. And then it started to come. Each new officer that appeared – after our calling him on the phone, had to bring a bottle of something, half-full, full – in other words, whatever he happened to have. Well darling, the collection included the following: Scotch, Cognac, Armagnac (stronger than Cognac), Champagne, Rhine River Wine, Cointreau, Eau de Vie (which is so strong that we use it for lighter fluid), and Benedictine. I can’t guarantee the order in which they appeared, but I can assure you – everything was consumed just as soon as it appeared. Of course – we ended up with about ten officers, including the Colonel whom we called at about 1600. By this time we were singing all the old songs, trying to harmonize and not succeeding. At 1700 we went over to eat. The enclosed Menu gives you an idea of how much trouble Hq. battery went to to make the meal a better one than most. We went back to Belgium and got a printer to make up the menus, we dug up enough table cloths to cover all our wooden tables and the meal was excellent. It actually included everything you see on the Card. Keep it, darling; I’d like to see it after the war.

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Thanksgiving Day Menu, 1944

To top off everything, we got mail and I received 3 swell letters from you – 4, 6 and 7 November. I still have a good many blank spaces, but like you, sweetheart, I’m thankful for each and every one I receive, regardless of the order or the date.

We stayed around the dinner table for an hour and a half. There was more than enough turkey for everyone, for example – we had 150 pounds of turkey for 100 men.

And get this, dear, our Special Service chased high and low and managed to dig up a film for the evening – ”Shine On, Harvest Moon”. So you see – we had a pretty good Holiday, considering there’s a war going on!

I was sorry to read in one of your letters about Barbara Siegle having a history of Rheumatic Fever. That is a bad handicap, but not so much for the fact that she can’t get a job – as for the fact that she’ll have it for the rest of her life; and if it involves her heart, too, as it so often does – she’s going to have trouble when she gets to be about 40.

Your remarks about furnishing rooms interested me, darling. There are lots of ways to furnish various rooms, no doubt, but the fundamental thing is that they must be livable. That was one thing I didn’t like about most of the English homes I managed to see from the inside. One exception was that of the Reverend I got to know in Sherborne. The others were usually cold, dark and uncomfortable.

It’s approaching time for lunch, dear, so I’ll stop now. It was swell hearing from you again and reading that you love me more and more. I feel the same way, darling, my love for you does not rest – but continues to increase, and that’s a healthy sign. My love to the folks, sweetheart – and for now – so long.

My sincerest love

Greg

* TIDBIT *

about A Lesson in Contrast

The Fighting Men
These words from Francis E. Healer of the 709th Tank Battalion describing Thanksgiving of 1944, as written on a previous page called "Hotter than Hell in the Huertgen Forest," once found on "Scorpio's" website:

Very vivid, I remember the night of 23 November 1944, in the Huertgen Forest of Germany. Company D, 3rd Platoon, was engaged in Sector 1 through Sector 4.

We were up front all night on the 23rd, as a task force. It seemed that our Tank bounced four feet off the ground, under the heavy bombardment of the artillery fire.

Our Platoon Cmmander was Lieutenant Charles Ellis, an officer who did not want to get hurt, nor did he want any of his men hurt. I recall that I never had seen Lieutenant Ellis with a gun. He was a brave officer. After the night of the 23rd, we came back to gas and re-ammunition up for the day, November 24, 1944. It was while we geared up for another up-front that I made the statement that we were going back up front, and that some of us would not come back. I just had that premonition, and sure enough it happened.

A replacement Lieutenant got into our Tank, and we moved up front. When we got to the point where we had been, we relayed on the intercom that this is far enough, it was HOTTER THAN HELL ALL NIGHT.

The lieutenant said, "This is the jump off, keep driving." In less than thirty feet, we hit a minefield and off came both tracks. Yes, we were behind enemy lines and point blank to a Pill Box, less than sixty feet in front of us. WHAM, came the 88, and then thirteen Bazookas melted us. What a mess we were in. The lieutenant jumped out and hit a shoe mine, losing his foot at about the ankle. My Gunner was hit under the chin, with one of the Bazookas, KIA. I received numerous wounds to the left leg, by 88 fire. Three compound fractures and a dud, or AP Bazooka, took out the left shoulder. Sergeant Barrett did not get a scratch, but lost hearing in both ears. In the midst of HELL, we lasted about ten minutes. It was the longest ten minutes I have ever witnessed.

I, at the time, did not know who the lieutenant was but, in 1986, I met him at Louisville. His name was Lieutenant Truman Sylvest. We had a mission to do, and we tried to do what we were told to do. The situation became serious thereafter, when some of the men with me encountered heavy resistance, and above all the use of our own equipment against us, which had been captured or stolen.

HQs and the Generals
Greg's Thanksgiving at HQ as described in his letter was in sharp contrast to that of Francis Healer. Likewise, the Generals fared better.

The snapshots that follow were taken from Normandy to Victory: The War Diary of General Courtney H. Hodges & the First U.S. Army, maintained by his aides Major William C. Sylvan and Captain Francis G. Smith Jr.; edited by John T. Greenwood, copyright 2008 by the Association of the United States Army, pp.184 and 185.

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