17 December 1944

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 230 % Postmaster, N.Y.

Germany

17 December, 1944        1230

Wilma, darling –

I’m kind of tired today – not having had too much sleep last nite. It was exciting for awhile – but today everything seems to be going along well enough. Yesterday I was too busy to get out to visit A Battery – although in the evening I was able to relax. We had a movie – “Jamie” – and although I hadn’t heard about it at all – it turned out to be very enjoyable entertainment. I think I forgot to mention to you that I saw “Our Hearts Were Young and Gay” – with Gail Russell – some time during the past week. Is that the Russell that had so much written about her? Yes or no – I thought the picture very mediocre – and except for a few laughs – it dragged considerably.

I got one more old letter of yours yesterday, dear – but welcome nonetheless; I also received a Christmas card from Barbara Tucker Ensign – mailed from Salem. I don’t know what she was doing there – there was no note of explanation. And I got my third annual Christmas gift from the Salem Hospital Medical Staff – a leather bound, pocket-sized address book. It’s rather neat but I don’t need it here. I’ll send it along to you, darling, to hold – or to use, for that matter. I’ve already jotted them a note of thanks – and defied them to think of something different for next Christmas. Now! Now!

The letter I received from you yesterday was dated 11 November and you mentioned the fact that you didn’t want to remind me of things too often lest I think you’re preaching. Hell – I never feel that way about anything you write, sweetheart. I always appreciate the content and the reason for writing what you do – and why should I consider that preaching? And if I’ve ever written that I didn’t want you to write ‘blue’ letters, I didn’t mean it that way, darling. Certainly I want to know your every mood – just as you do mine. Among other things, that’s one more way in which we’re able to reveal ourselves to each other – because when a person is ‘blue’ or lonesome – he’s just a little bit more easy to know – and darling I want to know as much about you as possible while we’re apart. Regardless of all that – we’ll get married as soon as it’s humanly possible after I return home. Right?

I liked reading your ideas on bringing up children. I’ve never exactly crystallized in my own mind just how that should be done – but I do feel there’s a wrong and a right way. Each of us benefits or loses as a result of his own situation. I feel that being an only child, dear, you missed out on a great deal – but you probably gained in other respects. The point is, sweetheart, that it’s going to be fun – bringing up our very own – someday and trying to do a good job in it.

This p.m. I’m going to make another attempt at visiting Able Battery – this being my 3rd day supposedly. I may not be able to make it however. Tonite should be quiet, I hope, and maybe we’ll play some Bridge. So I’ll stop now, sweetheart. Remember – no matter what I say or how I say it – I love you always, darling, and as strongly as I know how. My love to the folks, best regards to Mary – and

All my deepest love to you

Greg

* TIDBIT *

about The Malmédy Massacre

CLICK TO ENLARGE PICTURES

17 December 1994 Photo of the Massacre Site
50 years later...
(photo by Gregory A. Walden as found on a previous website)

Most of this version of the Malmédy Massacre was found on the History Learning Site. Additional information came from The History Place's web site as well as Wikipedia.

On 17 December 1944, men from Battery B of the 285th Field Artillery Observation Battalion were ordered to move from Schevenhutte, near Aachen, to St Vith in the Ardennes. Their route took them near the town of Malmédy. On their journey, on the N-23 St Vith road that passed to the east of Malmédy, Battery B met up with Lieutenant-Colonel David Pergrin of the 291st Engineer Combat Battalion. Pergrin had heard that the Germans were along the route which the men from Battery B were taking. He advised them to take a different route to St Vith. However, the officers in charge of the battery decided that they had their orders and, ignoring Pergrin's advice, continued along their designated route.

This journey took them to what the locals called the 'Baugnez Crossroads' - two miles south-east of Malmédy. In fact, there were five roads there and to the Americans it was known as 'Five Points'. A military policeman - and previously placed route markers - directed the convoy along its way. About half-a-mile from the 'Baugnez Crossroads', the first vehicles in the convoy were fired on by two tanks from the 1st SS Panzer Division led by Joachim Peiper. This unit was one of just two units in the whole Nazi military allowed to use Hitler's name in its title - the 1st SS Panzer Division Leibstandarte Adolf Hitler. This unit had a fearsome reputation and Peiper was known as a man who would let nothing stand in his way of success - including the taking of prisoners. In the Russian campaign, Peiper's unit was known as the 'Blowtorch Brigade' for its violence towards civilians.

Joachim Peiper
with SS "Death's Head" Symbol on Cap

On this day in particular, it is said that Peiper was in a particularly foul mood as his advance had not been as successful or as swift as he had hoped. Though the 1st SS Division had suffered few casualties in terms of manpower, it had lost tanks and half-tracks in its advance as the US 99th Infantry Division had put up a far stronger resistance than Peiper had bargained for. The two tanks that fired on B Battery were under the command of SS Lieutenant Werner Sternebeck. He had lost five of his seven tanks in the advance. Peiper, it seems, was furious at yet more delays to his advance.

Clearly outgunned by the Germans, the men from B Battery surrendered after Sternebeck's attack. Peiper himself went to the Baugnez Crossroads and brusquely ordered Sternebeck to move on. The 113 American prisoners-of-war who had survived the attack were assembled in a field near the Café Bodarwé at the crossroads - this figure included eight Americans who had already been captured by Peiper. A young Belgium boy witnessed what happened next.

At about 1415, soldiers from the 1st SS Panzer Division opened fire on the 113 men who were in the field. The firing stopped at about 1430. Survivors were killed by a pistol shot to the head, in some cases by English speaking SS who walked among the victims asking if anyone was injured or needed help. Those who responded were shot. Some were clubbed them to death as later autopsies showed. Incredibly, some prisoners did get away after feigning death. It was three of these escapees that came across Pergrin.

Colonel Pergrin had heard the attack by Sternebeck and went to investigate, first in a jeep and then on foot. Near Five Points, three Americans rushed up to Pergrin. It was these men who first alerted the Americans that something had gone on at the crossroads. Pergrin took the wounded men to Malmédy and at 1640 contacted the First Army's headquarters to inform them that some sort of massacre had taken place at Five Points. The same day, 21 survivors of the massacre made statements to the American authorities in Malmédy. Their accounts were remarkably similar despite the fact that they had had little time to discuss their experiences.

Because of the nature of the Battle of the Bulge, no one side could claim the land that the dead men lay in. It was not until 14 January 1945 that the Americans could lay claim to the area around the crossroads and recover the bodies. 71 snow-covered bodies were recovered. The freezing weather had done a lot to preserve the bodies and that made the autopsies easier, especially as some had been covered in snow.

CLICK TO ENLARGE

When the massacre took place, Peiper had left the area around Five Points and had moved on. He was not at the scene when the shooting started. However, on 12 December, it is said that Hitler had issued an order which stated that no prisoners were to be taken and that a "wave of terror" was to descend on the Allies who stood in the way of the offensive. However, in the trial at Dachau no written evidence was produced to substantiate this and, as evidence, the court ignored it. Also Peiper's men had taken prisoners in their advance prior to the Malmédy incident. So what happened?

The sheer number of prisoners almost certainly sealed the fate of the Americans. Over 100 prisoners could not be left where they were - in the field. But there was no spare capacity for the Germans to guard them as Peiper had ordered the SS units under his command to speed up their advance. They could not be sent marching back towards the German lines as Peiper only had control of one main road and his unit was using it. Any men marching in the opposite direction could easily clog up the road. Peiper's other worry was that he might be attacked by American units known to be in the area.

Two theories have been put forward to explain what happened.

The men were deliberately murdered in cold blood. Certainly, the 1st SS Panzer Division had been responsible for atrocities in Russia and they had already shot captured Americans in their advance in the Ardennes Offensive - and more were shot after Malmédy. It is possible that Major Werner Poetschke, who commanded the 1st SS Panzer Battalion, gave the order - but no evidence has proved this, just rumor.

Another theory put forward is that some Americans tried to escape and were fired on by the Germans. Other Germans heard the firing, but were not aware that the targets were three Americans as opposed to all of the group. Either trigger-happy or simply battle-hardened, they opened fire on the group as a whole. In October 1945, an American soldier made a sworn testimony that he had escaped with two other men (who were killed) but he had survived and made it back to US lines. The law as it stood then would have allowed the Germans to shoot at escaping prisoners - but not at the whole group. It is possible that their escape precipitated the shooting of the other men.

In May 1946, Peiper and 70 of his men were put on trial. The charge stated "That they willfully, deliberately and wrongfully permit, encourage, aid, abet and participate in the killing, shooting, ill treatment, abuse and torture of members of the armed forces of the United States of America." Controversy soon arose. The defense team raised allegations of mistreatment including physical abuse by the U.S. Army and cited the use of mock trials in obtaining SS confessions as improper. The defense also complained that the court's legal expert, a Jew, constantly ruled in favor of the prosecution.

One of those who were charged was 18-year-old Arvid Freimuth who committed suicide in his cell before the trial started. Forty-three of those accused were sentenced to death and the rest received prison sentences. Controversy continued, however, as various U.S. Army Boards conducted critical reviews of the trial process and methods used during pretrial interrogations. As a result, most of the death sentences were commuted and over half of the life sentences were reduced. In 1949, following a series of public charges and counter charges by trial participants and further investigations over whether justice had been served in the conduct of the trial, six of the remaining death sentences were commuted. By the early 1950s, following years of accusations, denials, investigations, controversy, and political turmoil, the final remaining death sentences were commuted and release of all of the convicted SS men began.

In December of 1956, the last prisoner, Peiper, was released. Peiper lived in France following his release from jail. In 1974 he was identified by a former Communist resistance member of the region who issued a report for the French Communist Party. In 1976 a Communist historian, investigating the STASI archives, found the Peiper file. On 21 June tracts denouncing his presence were distributed in Traves. A day later, an article in the Communist publication L'Humanité revealed Peiper's presence in Traves and he became the subject of death threats.

Upon the death threats Peiper sent his family back to Germany. He himself stayed in Traves. In 1976, During the night from 13 July to 14 July, Bastille day in France, a gunfight took place at Peiper's house, in which Peiper himself shot several times. His house was set on fire. Peiper's charred corpse was later found in the ruins with a bullet in the chest. The perpetrators were never identified, but were suspected to be former French Resistance members or Communists.

16 December 1944

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 230 % Postmaster, N.Y.

Germany

16 December, 1944      1030

My dearest sweetheart –

Sick call seems to be just about over right now, dear, so here I go again. I don’t know whether I mentioned it or not yesterday – but I’m visiting A Battery these days – but only afternoons – instead of staying with them for 3 days. I had to give that up because there’s too much work around here; the dental and administrative officers go out to stay, though.

I was out all of yesterday p.m. and the fresh air was swell. It was a rather clear day and it looks as if it will be the same today. If it doesn’t rain today – it will make 3 days – and that will be a new record. In the evening I was rather tired – but we played some Bridge just the same. And that reminds me of something I wanted to find out. You play enough Bridge to be able to answer it, darling. When we started playing a few months ago – the only score card we had was one dated 1935. According to that – doubled, not vulnerable – is 100 for the first trick down, and 200 for subsequent tricks; vulnerable is 100 for each trick set, and doubled vulnerable – 200 first trick, and 300 for subsequent tricks. Now the problem arose when one of the officers got a package the other day and among the items were playing cards and a scorecard – etched by Milton C. Wool – but with no date on it. According to this – doubled not vulnerable – is 100, 100, 200, 200, etc; vulnerable – not doubled – 200, 200, 400 etc, and doubled, vulnerable 200, 400, 400 etc. What we’d like to know, dear, is what is the latest along the lines of scoring.

And while I’m on the subject of Bridge – maybe you can get this one – a problem someone presented to us:

Dummy

Ace diamonds      Q clubs       Ace spades

8

9

    3 hearts                                                                                                             5 hearts
    3 spades                                                                                                            Q, 10 diamonds
    5,4,3, diamonds                                                                                              K, J clubs

6
2 spades       J diamonds       Q hearts
K

The lead is in South’s hand, hearts is trump and you have to make 4 out of the 5 tricks. The solution does not depend on what card West or East plays or discards. You’ll probably find this easy, dear – but we had to sweat it out.

In reading an old letter of yours, sweetheart, you tell me you hope we’ll be happy even after we’re married 20, 30 or 40 years. Darling – if I didn’t think we would be all the years of our married life together – I wouldn’t want to marry you. I don’t need a wife just for the sake of having one. I want to marry someone whom I can make happy, someone on whom I can concentrate my attention and affections for the rest of our lives. I became engaged to you – with your consent, dear – because I felt you were that someone – and I know I’m not wrong. We can’t miss. We know what we want, Sweetheart – and we’ll find it, too.

It’s time to go (11:50). I was interrupted a couple of times – as usual. Be with you in writing tomorrow, dear – but in Spirit – I’m still with you – sealed envelope or no. My love to the folks – and to you

My everlasting love and affection –

Greg

* TIDBIT *

about "The Battle of the Bulge" Begins

One of the most storied battles in U.S. Army history, began on this day at dawn, 16 December 1944. The information that follows was excerpted from The Ardennes: Battle of the Bulge, part of the "European Theater of Operations" portion of the U.S. Army in World War II, written by Hugh M. Cole and published by the Office of the Chief of Military History, Department of the Army in 1965:

The plan for the Ardennes counteroffensive was born in the mind and will of Hitler. Such was the military, political, economic, and moral position of the Third Reich in the autumn of 1944 that a leader who lacked all of the facts and who by nature clung to a mystic confidence in his star might rationally conclude that defeat could be postponed and perhaps even avoided by some decisive stroke. To this configuration of circumstances must be added Hitler's implicit faith in his own military genius, a faith to all appearance unshaken by defeat and treason, a faith that accepted the possibility, even the probability, that the course of conflict might be reversed by a military stroke of genius.

As early as 1939 Hitler had gone on record as to the absolute necessity of protecting the Ruhr industrial area, the heart of the entire war-making machine. Even after the disastrous impact of the 1944 Soviet summer offensive he clung to the belief that the Ruhr factories were more important to Germany than the loss of territory in the east. Politically, if Hitler hoped to lead from strength and parlay a military victory into a diplomatic coup, the monolithic USSR was a less susceptible object than the coalition of powers in the west. August was a nightmare for the German divisions in the west and for the German field commanders. Shattered into bits and pieces by the weight of Allied guns and armor, hunted and hounded along the roads by the unopposed Allied air forces, captured and killed in droves, the German forces in France were thoroughly beaten. All requests for permission to withdraw to more defensible positions were rejected in peremptory fashion by Hitler's headquarters, with the cold rejoinder "stand and hold" or "fight to the last man." In most cases these orders were read on the run by the retreating divisions.

The major reasons for Hitler's selection of the Ardennes were:

• The enemy front in the Ardennes sector was very thinly manned.


• A blow here would strike the seam between the British and Americans and lead to political as well as military disharmony between the Allies. Furthermore an entrance along this seam would isolate the British 21 Army Group and allow the encirclement and destruction of the British and Canadians before the American leadership (particularly the political leadership) could react.


• The distance from the jump-off line to a solid strategic objective (Antwerp) was not too great and could be covered quickly, even in bad weather.


• The configuration of the Ardennes area was such that the ground for maneuver was limited and so would require the use of relatively few divisions.


• The terrain to the east of the breakthrough sector selected was very heavily wooded and offered cover against Allied air observation and attack during the build-up for the assault.An attack to regain the initiative in this particular area would erase the enemy ground threat to the Ruhr.

And so it began, on 16 December 1944, as summarized in the entry for this date in Normandy to Victory: The War Diary of General Courtney H. Hodges & the First U.S. Army, maintained by his aides Major William C. Sylvan and Captain Francis G. Smith Jr.; edited by John T. Greenwood, copyright 2008 by the Association of the United States Army, pp.213-215.

CLICK TO ENLARGE

This newsreel posted by PopularMilitary.com about the
Battle of the Bulge, includes German footage from captured soldiers.

15 December 1944

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 230 % Postmaster, N.Y.

Germany

15 December, 1944      1010

Good morning Wilma, darling!

Half the month of December gone – and it’s hard to believe. Where these days go to, I don’t know – but I’m glad they go. Each – is one less to sweat out. Say – before I go any further – you asked me in one of my letters whether I was scared. Now I know I’ve mentioned that word a few times here and there since landing on the Continent – but darling – I don’t want you to start thinking your fiancé is a coward. I’ve been scared – but on occasion only – and anyone who has been here has been the same – from time to time, and if he doesn’t admit it, he’s a g-d’d liar. But it hasn’t affected me in any way at all darling and I’m just as normal as anyone else. It’s just that if you happen to be in a house – and the shells start whistling over – you can’t help being scared; and you go out and stand behind a brick wall, trying to figure out from which direction the shells are coming; and then a few crash not too far from you and the shrapnel flies – and you duck – all that is a tense half-hour or so. And 5 minutes afterwards – you’ve forgotten all about it. As a matter of fact – and this seems to be popular consensus – it’s the whistling of the shell which most of us hate. Now I’m not writing this to worry you, dear, but just to explain how a person can be scared. There are other ways too. Please don’t repeat any of this to your folks or mine.

In my letter written yesterday to you, dear, I became so engrossed in answering some questions that I forgot to tell you about opening and enjoying the package you sent me. It was swell and everything came in good condition – especially the Brownies. You can tell Marjorie Mills – or whomever it was – that she’s all wet about Brownies and nuts. There were no worms, dear. If there were – we all ate them as is – anyway. And I can use the Tobacco, too. For awhile – we were getting enough – but recently, with the problem of supply turning up – we haven’t been getting anywhere near as much as before. The candy bars were unspoiled also – although cracked – of course. And I found the flower – and thank Mary for it. And thank you again, sweetheart – for sending it.

I got two old letters from you yesterday, 8 and 9 November – and there’s still a whole pile outstanding. It was interesting reading your reactions concerning the election results. We missed the campaigning over here – but from what we gather – it was a hum-ding of a contest.

One of the two letters mentioned Nancy and her state of unhappiness. As you know, dear, I never did know Nancy and Abbot too well – but it had been intimated to me that family affairs weren’t too satisfactory there. But what good a psychiatrist will do her – I fail to see. She knows her problem, the irritant factor behind it etc. A psychiatrist will not try to adjust her to it; she’s had enough time for that and has failed. If anyone needs a visit to the psychiatrist – Abbot seems to be the one. Well – I hope she settles it – because she certainly sounds unhappy.

But it’s you I’m more interested in, sweetheart, and your state of happiness. You seem concerned about mine – and in reality – there’s no cause for worry on that score at all – honestly. The fact is – that inherently – I’m a happy sort of fellow – and it takes a lot to make me otherwise. But if I’m unhappy at all – it’s only a temporary reaction and I’m able to snap out of it. I need only to think of you sweetheart and what’s in store for the both of us when I get back – and I’m able to snap out of any doldrums. So – don’t you worry at all, dear; I’m O.K. Just you take care of yourself and sit tight!

By the way – the Battalion was able to print up only a few of these Christmas Cards. I got only two – I’m sending one to you and probably one to my folks.

CLICK TO ENLARGE

438th AAA AW BN (M) Headquarters and HQ Battery
Christmas Card - 1944

For now – I’ll have to say ‘so long’ again, darling – but only until I write again. Take care, dear - and love to the folks.

My deepest and warmest love

Greg

* TIDBIT *

about Glenn Miller

Click to play while you read the rest

Most of this biography was extracted from Wikipedia's page about Glenn Miller.

Alton "Glenn" Miller, born on a farm in Las Vegas, California, on 1 March 1904, was an American jazz musician (trombone), arranger, composer, and bandleader in the Swing era. He was one of the best-selling recording artists from 1939 to 1943, leading one of the best known "Big Bands". Miller's notable recordings include "In the Mood", "Moonlight Serenade", "Pennsylvania 6-5000", "Chattanooga Choo Choo", "A String of Pearls", "At Last", "(I've Got a Gal In) Kalamazoo", "American Patrol", "Tuxedo Junction", and "Little Brown Jug".

Miller bought his first trombone at the age of 14 and played in his town orchestra in Missouri. By the time Miller graduated from high school in 1921, he had decided he wanted to become a professional musician. He dropped out of college and became a student of Joseph Schillinger. Under his tutelage he composed what became his signature theme, "Moonlight Serenade".

During the late 1920s and early 1930s, Miller managed to earn a living working as a freelance trombonist in several bands. On a March 21, 1928 Victor Records recording session Miller played alongside Tommy Dorsey, Benny Goodman, and Joe Venuti in the All-Star Orchestra, directed by Nat Shilkret. On November 14, 1929, an original vocalist named Red McKenzie hired Glenn to play on two records that are now considered to be jazz classics: "Hello, Lola" and "If I Could Be With You One Hour Tonight". Beside Glenn were clarinetist Pee Wee Russell, guitarist Eddie Condon, drummer Gene Krupa and Coleman Hawkins on tenor saxophone. In 1935, he assembled an American orchestra for British bandleader Ray Noble, developing the arrangement of lead clarinet over four saxophones that eventually became the sonic keynote of his own big band.

Glenn Miller made his first movie appearance in the 1935 Paramount Pictures release The Big Broadcast of 1936 as a member of the Ray Noble Orchestra performing "Why Stars Come Out at Night". The Big Broadcast of 1936 starred Bing Crosby, George Burns, Gracie Allen, Ethel Merman, Jack Oakie, and Bill "Bojangles" Robinson and also featured performances by Dorothy Dandridge and the Nicholas Brothers, who would appear with Miller again in two movies for Twentieth Century Fox in 1941 and 1942.

Glenn Miller compiled several musical arrangements and formed his first band in 1937. The band failed to distinguish itself from the many others of the era, and eventually broke up. Discouraged, Miller returned to New York. He realized that he needed to develop a unique sound, and decided to make the clarinet play a melodic line with a tenor saxophone holding the same note, while three other saxophones harmonized within a single octave. In September 1938, the Miller band began making recordings for the RCA Victor, Bluebird Records subsidiary. Si Shribman, a prominent East Coast businessman, began financing the band, providing a much needed infusion of cash. In 1939, TIME magazine noted: "Of the 12 to 24 discs in each of today's 300,000 U.S. jukeboxes, from two to six are usually Glenn Miller's." Miller's huge success in 1939 culminated with his band appearing at Carnegie Hall on October 6, with Paul Whiteman, Benny Goodman, and Fred Waring also the main attractions. Louis Armstrong thought enough of Miller to carry around his recordings transferred to seven-inch tape reels when he went on tour.

In 1942, at the peak of his civilian career, Miller decided to join the war effort. At 38, Miller was too old to be drafted, and first volunteered for the Navy but was told that they did not need his services. Miller then wrote to Army Brigadier General Charles Young. He persuaded the United States Army to accept him so he could, in his own words, "be placed in charge of a modernized Army band." After being accepted into the Army, Glenn’s civilian band played its last concert in Passaic, New Jersey, on 27 September 1942. At first placed in the United States Army, Glenn Miller was transferred to the Army Air Force. Miller initially formed a large marching band that was to be the core of a network of service orchestras, but his attempts at modernizing military music were met with some resistance from tradition-minded career officers.

Glenn Miller

Miller's weekly radio broadcast "I Sustain the Wings", for which he co-wrote the eponymous theme song, moved from New Haven to New York City and was very popular. This led to permission for Miller to form his 50-piece Army Air Force Band and take it to England in the summer of 1944, where he gave 800 performances. In summarizing Miller's military career, General Jimmy Doolittle said, “next to a letter from home, that organization was the greatest morale builder in the European Theater of Operations.”

On 15 December 1944, Miller was to fly from the United Kingdom to Paris, France, to play for the soldiers there. His band had flown to France some days before him. His plane (a single-engined UC-64 Norseman, USAAF serial 44-70285) departed from RAF Twinwood Farm in Clapham, Bedfordshire and disappeared while flying over the English Channel. No trace of the aircrew, passengers or plane has ever been found. Miller's status is missing in action. There are three main theories about what happened to Miller's plane. The official report was that the Norseman aircraft had crashed into the channel due to either iced-over wings or engine failure; however, this explanation would prove unsatisfactory for the majority of the populace, thus causing multiple theories and speculations to mushroom over the years.

A second (and most outrageous) theory suggested that Miller made it to France, where he met his untimely death. A book, The Glenn Miller Conspiracy, by Lt. Col. Hunton Downs, a former member of Dwight D. Eisenhower's personal staff, argues that the U.S. government covered up Miller's death. Downs claims that Miller was sent on a secret mission to Germany in December 1944 to persuade anti-Hitler generals to alert the Allies of troop movements. These generals would prevent their own troops from participating in these movements and be spared by the Allies. But Hitler found about Miller's visit. The Nazis tortured Miller, leading to his death.

A third (and most likely) theory suggested that he might have been hit by Royal Air Force bombs after an abortive raid on Siegen, Germany. One hundred and thirty-eight Lancaster bombers, short on fuel, jettisoned approximately 100,000 incendiaries in a designated area before landing. The logbooks of Royal Air Force navigator Fred Shaw recorded that he saw a small, single-engined monoplane spiraling out of control and crashing into the water. Further research by British scholars also seems to indicate that this is the most likely probability, making Miller's death a "friendly fire" incident.

14 December 1944

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 230 % Postmaster, N.Y.

Germany

14 December, 1944        1025

My dearest girl –

I wish it could be empty and quiet here just once in a while – right now, for example, so that I could sit down and write a coherent thoughtful letter. I’m particularly anxious to have that because I’d like to answer your letter of 29 November, dear, when – so to speak – you fired at point blank range. I got your letter yesterday and was anxious to answer immediately – and I was unable to write at all – either to you or my folks. That was the first day missed in a long while. The Colonel and I left for a little trip on business – and we were gone the whole day.

When I first read your letter, I was a little bit peeved – I must admit. For one thing, darling, it’s not fair to read one batch of letters and then another from a different period, compare the two – and find one batch wanting. For instance – if I did that with your letters – I could find that sometimes you have time to concentrate and you really write a swell letter – and then other times – you’re visiting a good deal, going to a movie, playing Bridge – etc – and your letters are a bit more hurried. As a group – that would be noticeable. Individually, I love each and every one of them – they’re from you – and to me; they’re personal; you write to me as you do to no one else – and I’m aware of all that and love you for it.

So far, dear, what I’ve said of your letters – is probably true of mine – except that – when my letters are hasty, show some lack of concentration etc – it’s more often for a different reason.

Now – another point – you mention Lawrence having heard some details that he wouldn’t tell my folks and you act hurt because you thought surely I’d tell you. If I haven’t told you all, darling, it’s because I love you – just as I haven’t told my folks all. I never told Lawrence – until he went into Active service. It makes no difference at all how close we are; I can’t see any sense in telling you the gruesome side of this war that I have seen – and I don’t think you should feel that because we are so close – you should hear it from me. It’s different telling it – and then only some of it – to Lawrence. You must understand the difference, dear.

Now, sweetheart, you tell me you don’t doubt for a minute that I love you. I’m glad for that because if there’s one thing I want you always to be certain of – it’s that. So it boils down to my manner of expression – and how it has changed. I don’t have to go for a walk, darling, to clear my mind – and besides – this isn’t quite the country in which to go strolling with your mind in deep thought; the fact is plain and simple to me – dear – I love you – much much more than when I first left the States. I know so much more about you, your likes, dislikes and mannerisms; we’ve talked about our future together, we’ve made sort of tentative plans about what we might do immediately after our marriage – in short – sweetheart – we’ve been as intimate with each other as two people in love can be who must be an ocean apart. My enthusiasm changed? Hardly, dear – as you will surely see when I get back. Then what? – that’s what you want to know. I don’t want to look for excuses – for the fact is – darling, I have not realized that my letters were fundamentally different – although perhaps I should have. But darling – can’t you realize where I’ve been since June and where I am now? Take a look at that 7th Corps Christmas Card I sent you and realize how much in the war we’ve been and still are. Think of what my moods have been when I’ve sat down to write you; think of the casualties I’ve cared for – writing you a paragraph, stopping for two hours, and continuing; think of some letters which took me all day to write – even though I didn’t so indicate – and then wonder how I ever get a letter off to you at all sometimes – and I didn’t miss many days in six months – no more than you did when you had a busy week-end perhaps. No –dear – I haven’t changed one bit – in my love for you, in my enthusiasm, in my plans for the future together with you, in my potential wit – which you refer to; in anything – darling. But what you haven’t entirely grasped is the fact that my environment has changed – and there isn’t anyone over here who hasn’t been affected by it. It’s temporary though, sweetheart and we’ll break out of it – but please try to understand. Take my individual letter per se – and don’t line it up against one written when I was living in comparative luxury – when the war was still something I personally hadn’t seen. Bear with me, dear – I haven’t slipped –

I’ll stop now, sweetheart. I’ll re-read this to see just what I’ve written. Whatever I’ve said, I know you’ll take it in the correct spirit – because you must know what I’m trying to say. Eventually this will all pass by and we’ll have each other and then letters will be a thing of the past. I think you’ll find my love – true, warm and real.

For now – so long, dearest. I hope I answered what you wanted to know. If not – say so – and I’ll try again. My love to the folks.

All my sincerest and deepest love,

Greg.

* TIDBIT *

about The Roer River Dams
(continued)

CLICK TO ENLARGE

The information that follows was extracted from The Siegfried Line Campaign written by Charles B. MacDonald for the U.S. Army's Center for Military History (1990), Chapter XXVI, Page 606. Go to that site to see footnotes and attributions.

As the 78th Division was attacking through the Monschau Corridor to the north, then northeast along the Strauch-Schmidt highway through extremities of the Huertgen Forest and finally through Schmidt to reach the Roer River dams from the north, the 2nd Division was to attack northward into the Monschau Forest from twin Belgian border villages of Krinkelt-Rocherath, southeast of Camp d'Elsenborn. The 2nd Division was to break a West Wall strongpoint at a road junction marked by a customshouse and a forester's lodge named Wahlerscheid, and then fan out in two directions, northwest to clear resistance opposite the Hoefen-Alzen ridge between the Wahlerscheid road junction and Monschau, and northeast along a higher ridge line, the Dreiborn ridge, which leads to the Roer River Dams. Perhaps in cognizance of the tribulations exposed flanks had wrought in the Huertgen Forest, General Gerow directed that a regiment of the 99th Division make a limited objective attack within the Monschau Forest alongside the 2d Division's exposed right flank.

Aiming first at the Wahlerscheid road junction, the West Wall strongpoint deep within the forest at the meeting point of the Hoefen-Alzen and Dreiborn ridges, the 2nd Division had but one road leading to the first objective. This was a secondary highway running north through the forest into Germany from the twin Belgian villages of Krinkelt-Rocherath. Faced with this restriction, the division commander, General Robertson, had little choice of formation for the first leg of the attack other than regiments in column. He directed the 9th Infantry (Col. Chester J. Hirschfelder) to attack astride the road, take the Wahlerscheid road junction, then swing northwest to clear those Germans opposite the Hoefen-Alzen ridge. Following in column as far as Wahlerscheid, the 38th Infantry (Col. Francis H. Boos) was to be committed northeast from the road junction along the Dreiborn ridge in the direction of the Roer River Dams. The 23d Infantry in division reserve was to remain near Camp d'Elsenborn.

That part of the Monschau Forest through which the 9th Infantry first was to push was a kind of no man's land of snow-covered firs, hostile patrols, mines, and roadblocks. Though the sector belonged within the 99th Division's defensive responsibilities, that division held such an elongated front that defense of some parts had been left more to patrols than to fixed positions. Not for several miles on either side of the forest-cloaked road to Wahlerscheid were there any friendly positions in strength. The gap on the right of the road was of particular concern because the southeastward curve of the 99th Division's line left the sector open to enemy penetration from the east. Approaching along forest trails, the Germans might sever the 2nd Division's lifeline, the lone highway to Wahlerscheid.

2nd Division moves through the Monschau Forest
December 1944

Because the forested no man's land between Krinkelt-Rocherath and Wahlerscheid was some three miles deep, obtaining accurate intelligence information before the attack was difficult. About all the 2nd Division knew was that the strongpoint at Wahlerscheid was held by troops of the 277th Volks Grenadier Division's 991st Regiment. Any real estimate of enemy strength at Wahlerscheid or any pinpoint locations of German pillboxes and other positions were missing. This situation made it particularly difficult to plan artillery fires in support of the attack.

The Monschau Forest was almost uncannily silent as troops of the 9th Infantry moved forward on foot in approach march formation an hour after daylight on 13 December. Because the highway was known to be mined, the men had to plow through underbrush and snow drifts on either side. When a partial thaw set in, branches of fir trees heavy with snow dumped their wet loads upon the men beneath them. In some ravines the ground was so marshy that icy water oozed over the tops of the men's overshoes. So impressed had been their commanders with the misfortunes of the 28th Division when depending upon but one supply road at Schmidt that they had ordered the men to carry enough rations, ammunition, and antitank mines to last for at least twenty-four hours without resupply.

At 1240 the column neared the clearing about the Wahlerscheid road junction. "Both battalions have dropped packs," Colonel Hirschfelder reported; "contact imminent." The 9th Infantry faced a formidable position that in some respects possessed the strength of a small fortress. Grouped compactly about the road junction and sited to provide interlocking fires were machine gun and rifle positions in and about four pillboxes, six concrete bunkers, a forester's lodge, and a custom house. The forest and deep ravines formed a kind of moat around the entire position. Where trees and underbrush had encroached upon fields of fire, the Germans had cut them away. In some places rows of barbed wire entanglements stood six to ten deep. The snow hid a veritable quilt of lethal antipersonnel mines.

It took only a matter of minutes after the attack began for Colonel Hirschfelder to determine that his hope of surprise was empty. The road junction bristled with fire. Mortar and artillery shells burst in the treetops. Exploding mines brought down man after man. One after another, eight men whose job was to clear a narrow path for the 1st Battalion were killed or seriously wounded by mines. Bangalore torpedoes set beneath the barbed wire failed to ignite because fuzes were wet. One platoon of the 2nd Battalion nevertheless pressed through five aprons of barbed wire before enemy fire at last forced a halt; yet several more aprons of unbreached wire lay ahead.

As night came the weather turned colder. Drenched to the skin, the men were miserable. Their clothing froze stiff. Through the night they tried to keep warm by painfully etching some form of foxhole or slit trench in the frozen earth. In the woods southeast of Wahlerscheid, experience of the 99th Division's 395th Infantry roughly paralleled that of the 9th Infantry.

Repeated attempts to assault and to outflank the Wahlerscheid position through the day of 14 December ended in failure.

13 December 1944

No letter today. Just this:

* TIDBIT *

about The "Neglected Objective"
The Roer River Dams

CLICK TO ENLARGE

The information that follows was extracted from The Siegfried Line Campaign written by Charles B. MacDonald for the U.S. Army's Center for Military History (1990), Chapter XXVI, page 597. Go to that site to see footnotes and attributions.

While American troops were approaching the Roer in late November and early December, concern was mounting in command circles about the obstacle that remained before sizable forces might cross the river with reasonable safety. This obstacle was the neglected objective - the dams on the upper reaches of the Roer which the Germans might employ to produce flood waters to isolate any force that had crossed the Roer.

Perhaps the explanation for the sins of ommission that made the sobriquet "neglected objective" applicable to the dams lay in the great expectations that had accompanied start of the November offensive. Perhaps the American command anticipated a rapid advance which might produce capture of the dams in the natural course of events. Or perhaps delay in launching a ground attack against the dams could be attributed to a hope that the dams might be breached from the air and the threat of controlled flooding thereby eliminated. If bombs could break the Urft Dam, upstream from the massive, earthen Schwammenauel Dam, the water level in the Schwammenauel reservoir might be raised to a point near the crest of the earthen dam, whereupon bombs might dig deep enough into the earth to get a small flow of water moving across the top of the dam. Erosion would do the rest.

Urft Dam


Schwammenauel Dam

The chief proponent of the scheme to bomb the Roer River Dams was the ground commander most directly concerned with eliminating the dams, General Hodges. At least as early as 18 November, the First Army commander began studying the dams with an eye toward air bombardment and on 22 November urged General Bradley to support the plan. When the G-3 for Air at 12th Army Group passed the request to SHAEF, the air officers at Eisenhower's headquarters allotted the project to the Royal Air Force, which specialized in the kind of low-level, precision bombing that would be required. The successful RAF attack on the Moehne Dam in the Ruhr in 1943, for example, came readily to mind. Yet apparently after consulting with the RAF, SHAEF air officers the next day, 23 November, reported the proposal impracticable. On the other hand, the air officers agreed that if the 12th Army Group considered breaching the dams "of paramount importance," SHAEF Air would "reconsider the matter."

A week later, on 30 November, General Hodges learned with immense satisfaction that the RAF had finally consented to try to blow the dams, but his hopes that this would solve the problem were dashed during the next few days by unfavorable weather. On 30 November and the first two days of December, planned attacks against the dams had to be canceled because of the weather, while on 3 December 190 aircraft made the flight over the dams but failed to attack, presumably because of poor visibility. The next day 200 aircraft flew over the target, but only 25 Lancasters and 3 Mosquitos actually attacked. Damage to the dams was discouragingly negligible. Another attack on 5 December was canceled because of poor visibility.

On 5 December SHAEF took another look at the question of breaching the dams from the air. The commander of the Royal Air Force Bomber Command, Air Chief Marshal Sir Arthur T. Harris, objected to the project on the theory that irreplaceable personnel were being wasted in an effort foredoomed to failure. Yet so impressed by now with the importance of the target was the Supreme Commander, General Eisenhower, that he ordered the attacks to be pushed over all objections.

Three days later, on 8 December, 205 aircraft dropped 797 tons of bombs on the Urft and Schwammenauel Dams and on the regulating dam between the two, the Paulushof. Though two hits were registered on the Urft and 18 on the Schwammenauel, neither dam was broken. Yet for all the frustration and negligible results involved thus far, the First Army commander, General Hodges, remained firm in his belief that the dams could be broken from the air. A thousand bombers a day, Hodges believed, "should be sent over until the dam is broken."

After another three-day wait occasioned by the weather, 230 Lancasters again attacked the dams. Of these, 178 concentrated against the Urft with 1,065 tons of bombs; but results again were discouraging. The bombs cut the top of the dam at the south end, allowing some water to spill through, but not enough. Although the RAF consented to two more tries, on 13 and 14 December, weather again forced cancellation. The air effort had failed.

Even while the air program continued, General Hodges, for all his insistence that the dams could be breached from the air, was making plans for a ground attack. Early in December he directed General Gerow's V Corps to seize the dams. General Gerow issued his field order for the attack on 7 December. The target date was 13 December 1944.

In planning the corps maneuver, General Gerow decided to eschew the possibility of three concentric attacks at first in favor of a double envelopment by two divisions. The depleted condition of the 8th Division in the north, which might have formed a third prong, and the fact that the fighting for the Brandenberg-Bergstein ridge had drawn enemy strength to the north no doubt influenced this decision.

The north wing of the envelopment was to be formed by the 78th Division. Attacking through the Monschau Corridor, the 78th first was to clear the pillbox- and village-studded plateau which marks the start of the corridor, then to continue northeast along the Strauch-Schmidt highway through extremities of the Huertgen Forest to Schmidt. From Schmidt the 78th Division might come upon the Roer River Dams from the north.

12 December 1944

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 230 % Postmaster, N.Y.

Germany

12 December, 1944       0920

Wilma, darling –

The days are sure rolling by and I can’t believe it is actually the 12th of the month already. I’ve been fairly busy of late, dear, but even when I’m hanging around – time has raced right by. And a funny thing is the comparison of our state of mind now as compared with last year’s. Despite the fact that we’re in Germany and supposedly exposed to various dangers – it is much nicer here than it was in England a year ago. We saw pretty nearly all of England in the time we were there – as is characteristic of the 438th, I guess. We were on the West Coast, North, East Anglia and the South, not to mention Scotland, of course – but the worst spot we were in was the Midlands – the dreary industrial area. At least we hit it the worst time of the year – and I guess I must have written you enough about the fog. I wonder if you were able to perceive how thoroughly discouraged and homesick I actually was in those early weeks in England. Gosh, how I missed everything I had left behind – and most of all – you! And I still miss you most of all, Sweetheart, a year later – and that’s a healthy sign; it’s you I’m always thinking of when I think of home and the future – and that happens every hour of the day and before I drop off to sleep at nite and the first thing when I awaken each morning. And not a day goes by, sweetheart, without my thanking God for having you as my fiancée, waiting for me and wanting me as I want you.

Well – that was a pretty long paragraph. I just noticed, dear – but it wasn’t written without a couple of interruptions. It is now 1030 – and another slight lull. Yesterday was a thoroughly quiet day once I got over a few details. In the p.m. I tried to get some cough syrup through civilian apothecaries – but they had less than we have. It involved a whole lot of red tape – with a visit first to the Civil Affairs office. Then I visited a Doctor and asked him about the supply situation. None of this is allowed without permission, by the way, because just talking with a German calls for stiff punishment by Court Martial – in many cases. The doctor had had a nice home – but it was practically ruined – except for his office – which was really nice. Boy – my mouth watered.

In the evening we just sat around and talked until about 2200 - and then to bed.

1400

Well, dear, that was a long pause – but several things turned up and I’ve just gotten back to the Dispensary. No mail again for me – but guess what? Sure enough – I received a package from you, dear – and thanks! No – I haven’t opened it as yet but it’s sitting here right beside me on my desk. It’s apparently in good condition – the paper and string are still intact. That’s pretty good because many of the packages are coming thru without string, wet – or with half the paper off. I’m curious as all hell to find out what’s in it – but like everyone else here who gets a package – I’ll look at it for a couple of hours, shake it a little and then try to guess what’s in it. Then I’ll be ready to open it and enjoy it. I’ll let you know tomorrow, dear, how it went – but thanks again in advance. You know – dear – I never did get that package you wrote me about – the one your folks sent – but it’s no doubt somewhere on the way.

Now I’ve got to go back to Hq – which means – next door, and attend a Staff meeting. It’s raining today – but we’ve just had a couple of nice days and it looks as if it might clear out again.

So I’ll stop for now, Sweetheart – until tomorrow. Be well, darling and take good care of yourself. My love to the folks and

All my everlasting love.

Greg

* TIDBIT *

about the 424th Infantry Regiment's
"After Battle" and "Personal" Reports
for 12 December 1944


"Golden Lion" Patch of the 106th Infantry Division

From an After Battle Report, ending 31 December 1944, with "interlaced" personal reports by individual soldiers, of the HEADQUARTERS 424th Infantry, APO 443, U.S. Army, as found on Ralf Anton Schäfer's web site came this:

"To: Commanding General, 106 Inf. Division, APO 443, U.S. Army"

The 424th Infantry Regiment of the 106th Infantry Division of the First Army moved into the front lines for the first time in its history when it relieved the 23rd Infantry of the 2nd Division on 7,000 yards frontage in the St. Vith sector of the Belgium-German border on 11 December 1944. With positions on the western edge of the Siegfried line the 3d Battalion took over prepared emplacements on the left, or north flank and the 2d Battalion moved into the right half of the front lines, adjacent to the 28th Infantry Division. The 1st battalion was kept in reserve at Steinebruck. In the 3d Battalions, K Company, was on the left and L Company on the right, with I Company in reserve. The 2d Battalion placed F Company on the left, G on the right, and E in reserve. Cannon Company cemented a gap between the 2d Battalion and the 106 Reconnaissance troop. The 423rd was on the left.

In the overall tactical picture the commanding General had put the 422nd Infantry to the left on the Division front, the 423rd in the troublesome center sector, and the 424th on the south or right flank. The Regimental CP was at Heckhalenfeld and the Division CP at St. Vith. The regiment made the replacement move without incident, turning its personnel carrying trucks over to the 23rd. The operation was completed by 1530. No artillery, air, or ground interference was encountered.

St. Josef's Convent, the 106th Division HQ at St.Vith

First physical contact with the enemy was established at 1830 the same day when the 3d Battalion reported an enemy patrol in front of its lines and requested artillery fire on the patrol. At the same time A Company received the regiment’s actual baptism of fire when 10 rounds of mortar landed in this forward area, wounding two men, the first casualties from intimate action in the regiment. The two men were Private Harold E. Shagrin and Private Fosse. Both received Purple Hearts, the first in the regiment. More mortar fire landed in the G Company area at 2050.

At approximately the same time, the first of a series of fires started in the regimental area. Company C, 81st Engineers, reported one of its small personnel hutment's burning. It was brought under control with only the loss of personal equipment and radio.

Service Company, however, had more trouble in its area. Stationed at ALCHERATH, a fire broke out in a three story structure in which were quartered members of the 2d Battalion motor pool. One man, Private Theron McCollum, H Company, was burned to death in the fire. At the height of the fire, Capt. Uhel Barrickman, MTO, reported a shot was fired at him in the dark. Movements were seen in the brush near the burning house and the two instances of light signals from an adjoining civilian house were noticed. The CIC was called on the case. The rest of the night was quiet, with a minimum of patrol activity by both sides. The next day saw another fire destroy Regimental Headquarters. All records and personal effects, however, were removed. All fires were found have been started from carelessness, not sabotage.

"Personal Report" of John Connors, 424 Infantry HQ, 2nd Battalion, 12 December 1944

I was the Motor Transportation Officer in the 2nd Battalion of the 424th. After arriving in St. Vith in early December ‘44, with all of the Battalion vehicles. Our CO ordered me to go back to Quartermaster to get trucks to move all of our personnel to the front. When I returned in a day or so we loaded all the men in the trucks and transported them to the front line positions being held by elements of the 2nd Division in the Grosskampenberg area. This was about 3 or 4 days before the 16th, I believe. I then took my men and the Battalion vehicles back to an old deserted farm house to use as a Motor Pool and billet. After deploying the vehicles and setting up a 24 hour guard roster all of us, except the guard on duty, crawled in to our sleeping bags to get some rest.

Around 2 am I awakened to hear men screaming loudly and my first thought was that we were being attacked. I went in to the area where most of the yelling was coming from and it was engulfed in flames. My Sergeant, John Kopko, now deceased) and I routed the men who we could find who were still in their sleeping bags and got them out. We managed to find our way back to the Service Company area and when we checked we had everyone accounted for except one man. As soon as daylight came we went back to the sight which was a pile of smoldering ashes. Upon reaching the area and then going through the ashes we found his remains in a still zipped up sleeping bag. This was quite a shock to all of us and we later found out that the fire was started when one of the guards attempted to heat some coffee with a burner and it started a fire in the dry hay that covered the floor.

The next day I was notified that the Regimental CO, Colonel Reid, ordered me to report to him to explain what happened. My Jeep driver and I started for the Regimental Command Post and as we pulled into a path leading up to the building, another old farm house, I had my head down expecting the worst, when the driver said look! When I looked up the whole Command Post building was engulfed in flames. I learned from the Adjutant that the fire was started by careless use of matches and a candle by one of the CP personnel. The Adjutant then informed me that the Colonel no longer wanted to talk to me about my fire. A day or so later the Bulge started and with things in total confusion we had no idea where our Battalion was. Finally I found out from someone coming back that they had been pulled back to Burg Reuland and with the help of maps, road signs and prayers we found our way back to them and so began our saga of the rest of the Bulge.

"Personal report" of John P. Dimeglio, 424th Infantry, 12 December 1944

At LeHavre, France we were issued some new equipment and some ammunition. We lined up to be issued galoshes. There were only two sizes left size 8 and size 10 (I wear a size 11 shoe). We had to sign and accept the small size that we couldn’t get on. We discarded the small boots into a large pile. The lack of rubber boots was to cost us much pain in the Bulge. We were trucked up to the front on Dec. 12th to relieve the 2nd Division. They led us to dugouts that held about eight men.

11 December 1944

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 230 % Postmaster, N.Y.

Germany

11 December, 1944        0905

Good Morning, Sweetheart!

Just look at the time, dear! I know I won’t get very far with this but at least I’ll try. I’ve always preferred writing to you in the a.m. if I could, and the earlier the better; my mind works more easily then. As the day progresses – I usually have about six or seven things to get done and I don’t seem to be wholly relaxed.

In the first place, darling, let me tell you about the enclosed Christmas Card. For some reason or other – when Corps had these made – they didn’t make enough and our outfit got none. Yesterday I managed to get hold of this one card – although I believe we’re trying to have some duplicated. It’s the cleverest thing I’ve seen and when I first saw it I was surprised that it had been passed by the Censor – but passed, it was. It speaks for itself, of course, and I think the Corps is justifiably proud of the part it played and is playing. The Divisions listed on top made up the Corps in the dates shown. Attached outfits – like ours for example – are not listed because there would be too many.

Front and Back Cover of the Fold-Out Christmas Card
from Headquarters VII Corps, 1944

CLICK PICTURES TO ENLARGE
  
Foldout of Christmas Card
  

Yesterday seemed like Sunday – only in the morning. The day was beautiful, but I continued to be busy throughout the day. In the evening – I saw “Casablanca: – for the 3rd or 4th time and then we started to play one “quick” rubber of Bridge – but it was one of those 2 hour rubbers. Oh – Pete came in for the movie and I asked him what he knew about the 31st of January – and he said – ‘nothing’ – so I’m still unable to figure out what you meant in your letter. And speaking of letters reminds me of something. I didn’t mean to worry you when I mentioned going out at night to take care of private patients. When did I mention it was dangerous, dear? I don’t recall that at all. The only thing hazardous

1025

Hello, darling, – as I was saying there’s nothing much hazardous about seeing a civilian patient at nite – as long as you know the Password for the day. I haven’t run into any trouble. And I haven’t gone far at nite – it’s always close by – and don’t worry about a trap. What would the Germans want with a doctor. I have no more love for the Germans, Sweetheart, than you; and I have no concerns over the misery some of them are putting up with. They’re all liars, all hated Hitler and all are glad we came – so they say; but when a person is sick – I’ve got to take care of him – that’s all. As a matter of fact – from all we’ve learned – the German medical service has been pretty decent to our soldiers. Don’t give the matter another thought, dear – I’m careful and I want to come back to you just as much as you want it. I always know where I’m going and why and my nite visits are very rare indeed. Satisfied?

Sweetheart – I must go now. I have an appointment with Civil Affairs; I’m going to try to get into a closed drugstore near here and see if I can get hold of some cough medicine. We’ve had some trouble getting it thru regular channels – and I’ve got a few soldiers who could use some. So – until later – darling, so long and don’t forget – take care of yourself – too! Love to the folks.

All my deepest love,

Greg

MILITARY GOVERNMENT OFFICE
Stolberg, Germany

11 December, 1944

       The bearer of this letter is authorized to inspect the drug stock of Karl Klein.

JOE. B. RICHARDSON

1st Lt., C.A.C.

Supply Officer

* TIDBIT *

about "Well, I'll be Damned"

This story comes from the 11 December 1944 issue of Time magazine and is titled "Medicine: Well, I'll Be Damned." A similar article was also printed in the Newsweek published the same date.

On a battlefield near Metz lay a wounded rifleman, clutching his neck and writhing in agony. His windpipe had been fractured by a mortar shell fragment; he was suffocating. Medical Corpsman Duane N. Kinman, 19, crawled to his aid through heavy machine-gun and mortar fire; 2nd Lieut. Edwin M. Eberling of Lincoln, Neb. joined him.

The medical corpsman, who in peacetime had been an automobile mechanic in College Place, Wash., went to work on the rifleman's throat. He knew, at second hand, the delicate operation that had to be done; his Army instructors had lectured on it, months before—a tracheotomy (incision into the windpipe) to provide an air entrance through the neck. (Common peacetime use: to save children strangling from diphtheria.) Even under the best conditions, the operation is risky; surgical books say that a good light is essential, that the patient's neck must be held very steady to avoid cutting the nearby jugular veins. While Lieut. Eberling held the struggling rifleman down, Private Kinman had to do as best he could by the murky light of the battlefield.

Said Private Kinman to the patient, as he opened his jackknife: "I don't like to do this, but it is the only way you are going to live." He made a vertical incision in the exact middle of the wounded man's neck stopped the blood as well as he could,' made an up & down cut in the windpipe, which he wedged open with the top of a fountain pen. "Now," he said, "keep that pen in your windpipe and you'll be O.K. You can't breathe through your nose or mouth, but if you keep your windpipe open with the pen, you can breathe through the cut I made."

In a few minutes the rifleman felt better. He stood up, fingering the tip of the fountain pen. A passing tank carried him to the battalion aid station. There the surgeon stared at the queer arrangement in his neck and sent him on. Next stop was the clearing station, where Captain David Dunn of Westminster, Md. removed the pen top, put in a regular tracheotomy tube (which the air passes through, not around, as in the case of the makeshift wedge).

Surgeons who later heard the rifleman's story almost invariably remarked, "Well, I'll be damned." One of them wrote a commendation for Private Kinman's presence of mind, resourcefulness and skill.

Last week, soon after Private Kinman was promoted to technician fourth grade. Western Reserve University offered to see him through medical school. T/4 Kinman, who has had only three years of high school, was so stunned at the news that he had to sit down.

Here is a story and picture of Private Hinman from The Daily News, Huntington, PA, Saturday, 23 December, 1944, page 3.