19 July, 1944

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 403 % Postmaster, N.Y.

France

19 July, 1944        0945

My dearest sweetheart –

It’s a quiet Wednesday morning and although there isn’t much in the line of news to write about, dear. I thought I’d ramble on for a bit anyway. We didn’t get any mail yesterday – but we’ve been averaging mail on about 4-5 days out of seven and that’s not much different from England. We get the Continental edition of the Stars and Stripes almost daily and every 2-3 weeks we get a batch of fairly recent magazines, including Life, Look, Esquire, and a bunch of Detective Stories, Mechanics etc. – which I never get around to reading. Oh yes – Coronet and Reader’s Digest are always included. The fact is dear – I don’t even get a chance to read my Medical Journals – but I do read Time.

Yesterday was an easy day at the hospital – they were cleaning out their cases. I got through about 1500 and instead of returning to battalion – I decided to take a trip down to the beach. It was only 10 miles away from where I was and it was a nice day. It was very pretty. The water was greenish-blue – but no one was in swimming. I hated to leave the area – but it was getting on towards supper hour and traffic on the roads is heavy – so we headed back.

For supper we had steak again – the “captured” cow is now fast disappearing. And then we had a real surprise. Our Special Service officer had dug up a film, rigged up some tentage and we had a movie at 2030. The amazing thing is that it was a new one – I believe – “See Here, Private Hargrove”. It was light and amusing and the boys got a kick out of it. And then to bed.

This morning I plan to take it easy and not go out to visit the batteries, but I’ll trip up to the hospital this p.m. and see if any new cases have been admitted. I believe I mentioned that we had laundry facilities at the hospital. We got ours back yesterday and you can’t imagine what a thrill it is, darling, to put some dirty clothes into a bag and get it back in a few days – nice and clean – although unpressed.

That just about brings me up to date with things, sweetheart. I try to tell you what’s going on and I hope you have some picture of it in your mind. Since I’ve been at the hospital – I haven’t had much time or opportunity to develop my conversational French – but I’ve picked up on my German – in conversing with some of the German prisoners working at the hospital. They were aid men in the German Army.

I suppose you must wonder how I get a chance to think of you at all, sweetheart, with all the running around I’ve been doing. Darling – in everything I do – you are with me – anyway – so I can’t forget you. When I climb out of my tent in the morning – I see “Wilma” in bright white letters on my jeep – which is parked right beside me (I’d rather have the original!) On the inside of my windshield – made out of copper wire is the name “Wilma” and it is so arranged – that as I sit in the jeep – it stares right at me. Do I need such constant reminders, dear, to make me think of you? Hardly – but I like to see your name around – and now when one of my drivers turns over the jeep to another – he invariably says “Take good care of Wilma."

If this could but all end soon and I could call you ‘Wilma’ – in person – I’d be very happy, darling. I dream of that often and I know it will materialize – with you as my own – my wife – my companion – my love. Dearest – I’ll have to close now. Give my love to the folks – and for now –

All my deepest love –

Greg

* TIDBIT *

about "See Here, Private Hargrove" (1944)

CLICK ON POSTER TO ENLARGE

The "real" Marion Hargrove began his writing career as a reporter for the Charlotte News in North Carolina and was unanimously voted Fort Bragg's "worst all-round selectee." According to contemporary sources, playwright Maxwell Anderson helped Hargrove find a publisher for his autobiography, which became a best-seller. And from his book came the movie. The Variety review noted that "the book...was a find and the cost of the film rights reasonable because the purchase was made long before the Hargrove piece hit the bookstalls and the best-seller class." Hargrove went on to a successful career as a screenwriter, authoring such films as The Music Man (1962) and Boys Night Out (1962).

Here is the original movie review, written by Bosley Crowther, as it appeared in The New York Times on 22 March 1944:

The personal (and private's) experiences of a young man named Marion Hargrove as one of the initially favored selectees in the present Army of the United States — experiences which are famously recounted in the book, "See Here, Private Hargrove" — are the basis for a rough-and-tumble comedy about a soldier's merry life, tagged with the same familiar title, which opened at the Astor last night. It may be that this joyous manifestation of fun and frolic at a basic training camp is a little bit wishful in its blinking of some of the harsher realities of war; it may be that its emphasis is slightly heavy upon the first person very singular. But Private (now Sergeant) Hargrove made the best of a solemn thing when he hit the ranks. And it may be said that Metro has done the same — or much the same — by his book.

For this is a strictly happy picture about a chuckle-headed kid and a couple of his classic companions in the transition phase from citizens to troops. It tells a story with a loose continuity of a boy's adventures in a world where regulations are amusingly broken and punishment is monotonously the same. The agreeable hero is persistently and forever getting himself in dutch by muddling his orders, fouling equipment and knocking over men of higher rank. And he is forever doing penance by polishing garbage cans. At the same time, he is serving none too willingly as a literary investment for one of his sharper pals, who finances a modest romance for him and generally directs his career in medias res. The fact that the boys are in the Army is an inconvenience which finally cramps their enterprise.

Gentlemen with Army experience will probably observe with some surprise the comparative cordiality of the sergeants and other disciplinarians in this film. They may also be somewhat dubious of the concentration upon one clumsy kid. Private Hargrove becomes a famous character a bit prematurely, one might say. But with Robert Walker playing him with a delightfully insouciant air and a smile which will mellow the ladies, it is easy to take him as such on the screen. Keenan Wynn also gives a winning performance as his plain-and-fancy swindler pal, and Donna Reed is poetically licensed as the girl whom he conveniently comes to love. George Offerman Jr. and William Phillips also make two genial G. I.'s—and Robert Benchley and Chill Wills do nicely, though conventionally, in minor roles.

As a chronicle of life in the Army, we would say that "See Here, Private Hargrove" is not the definitive article. But it makes a gay and entertaining film.

The proceeds from the premiére last evening went to the benefit of the American Red Cross.

The screen play for "See Here, Private Hargrove" was written by Harry Kurnitz, based on the Book by Marion Hargrove. It was directed by Wesley Ruggles and produced by George Haight for Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer. The movie starred Robert Walker as Private Hargrove, Donna Reed as Carol Holliday, Keenyn Wynn as Private Mulvehill, Robert Benchley as Mr. Holliday, Ray Collins as Brodie S. Griffith, Chill Wills as First Sergeant Cramp, Bob Crosby as Bob, Martin Linden as Mrs. Holliday, Grant Mitchell as Uncle George, George Offerman Jr. as Private Esty, Edward Fielding as General Dillon, Donald Curtis as Sergeant Heldon, Wm. Bill Phillips as Private Burk, and Douglas Fowley as Captain Manville.

Here is the movie trailer followed by a short clip from the movie:

18 July, 1944

V-MAIL

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 403 % Postmaster, N.Y.

France

18 July, 1944

Dearest darling –

Got your letter of 2 July yesterday and one from your mother of 3 July. Mother’s was very sweet – as always. Yours had the post-card showing a couple of “surgeons” and was very appropriate – considering what I’ve been doing for the past week. They’re still going strong at the hospital – although they should be closing down for a rest any day now. They usually work for about 2 weeks or so – not for several days and start all over again. So far we’re still comparatively near to them and I just hope it stays that way. As far as the hospital is concerned – I’ve been told to act as if I were part of it and to go ahead and do anything I want – which is darn white of them. The fellow in charge of the O.R. is a Greek and I think he must think I’m one too – because he’s been swell to me.

Sweetheart – you must not think that anything I write concerning my love for you is “guarded’ – as you wrote in the letter I received yesterday. I don’t know exactly what you mean. I have nothing to guard or be wary of. I too, write as I feel and I’ve thought I revealed myself completely to you. If not – I’ve meant to. I can only say that I love you deeply, am proud you are my fiancée and I can hardly wait to marry you! Is that guarded?? Love to all dear and

All my love to you for always

Greg

* TIDBIT *

about Entering Saint-Lô

CLICK ON PICTURES TO ENLARGE

The “Hun Chaser” tank rumbles through the debris of St-Lô
while an American soldier looks for snipers with field glasses and
poised pistol, before blockbusters have cleared the streets of rubble.

By 15 June, the 9th had cleaned out the German strongpoints east of the Taute and gained the crossroads at les Champs-de-Losque. But just south of that village, the 9th struck the enemy's new MLR (Main Line of Resistance), defending the higher ground rising toward the Périers-St-Lô highway. For the next two days of very severe effort, net gains were negligible. Finally, on 17-18 July, the 39th Infantry broke through; during these two days the 9th Division pushed to within a few hundred yards of the St-Lô highway, and crossed it with patrols. The 9th and the 30th together had gained the ground which First Army proposed to use for its jump-off in the breakthrough operation, Cobra.

29th Infantry Division soldiers lay low along Route D191 heading
toward St-Lô, while a map or message is read (lower left corner).


A stretch of D191 today - perhaps the same location.

By the morning of 18 July, unrelenting pressure on the enemy had loosened up the whole front east of the Vire River. The 35th Division reported that the enemy had pulled out along its entire sector, leaving a considerable amount of materiel. Early in the day, General Corlett told General Gerhardt to take St-Lô and secure it. He wanted to find out "what was in there" before anything further was launched. The attack was to be made by Task Force C, especially organized for speed and headed by General Cota. Consisting of reconnaissance, tank, tank destroyer, and engineer elements, the task force was ordered to get infantry support from the nearest available infantry unit just prior to the entrance into the city.

The initial objective within St-Lô, chosen after previous aerial reconnaissance, was a square near the cemetery that had been relatively untouched by bombing. The plan was to clear and occupy this square for use as a base of operations within the town. The 29th Reconnaissance Troop entered St-Lô first and pushed through the rubble-choked streets, using any possible course or route. When it became impossible to proceed farther in vehicles, the men dismounted and deployed like infantry, moving rapidly to seize and organize three strongpoints, previously determined and assigned. The tanks, TD's, and infantry followed the reconnaissance troop into town. A CP (Command Post) was set up at the three-way junction of the main highways. This soon became an exceedingly hot place as, in addition to the artillery fire coming from the high ground to the south of town, an 88-mm gun was firing down the Bayeux road.

CLICK ON PICTURES TO ENLARGE

Men of Task Force C go down a winding street not yet too damaged
(until German artillery opens up) on 18 July 1944


Holes have been blown in walls which were still intact in the
earlier photograph (under the word "Restau---" on wall at left).
Bodies of American soldiers lie near the immobilized tank destroyer.
Shell cases fired by a tank destroyer litter the sidewalk.

As the infantry entered, men in groups of four and five were ticked off to accompany a tank or a TD (tank destroyer)and sent to posts commanding other key points throughout the town. There were 17 of these, including bridges, and they were swiftly outposted. Some of the important areas in the town, such as those originally seized by the 29th Reconnaissance Troop, were reinforced to constitute formidable strongpoints, composed of an armored car, two tanks, two TDs, and an antitank gun. Other outposts were held by small groups of infantrymen armed with bazookas and antitank grenades.

By 1900 after a series of skirmishes by the forces which were fanning through the city, St-Lô was firmly secured. It seemed evident that the Germans had been surprised by the speed and boldness of the task force maneuver. Swiftness in getting the column past the important road junction and dispersed before the enemy artillery could bring full force to bear on it was a prime factor in the speedy occupation. General Gerhardt hastened to inform General Corlett of the victory: "I have the honor to announce to the Corps Commander that Task Force C of the 29th Division secured the city of St-Lô after 43 days of continual combat from the beaches to St-Lô."

Major Thomas D. Howie, a battalion commander within the 29th Inf
Div, told his men on 17 July, "I'll see you in Saint-Lô!" He was
killed moments later leading his battalion through the outskirts of
St. Lô. On 18 July, to honor him, his men fulfilled his promise,
and laid him under a flag on the steps of the Holy Cross Church.

Below: Holy Cross (St. Croix) Church then and now:
  

Although the city was captured, Task Force C continued to receive severe enemy fire. The infantry not posted at strongpoints had worked its way through the battered streets to clear the bombed remnants of the town from east to west of any snipers or resistance pockets, few of which were encountered. But the enemy continued to pour mortar and artillery fire throughout St-Lô, searching out points here and there as though moving methodically over a checkerboard. A mortar shell caused the death of several men with whom Colonel Ednie (now commanding the 115th Infantry) was conferring at the CP, although the colonel himself escaped injury. At 1930 General Cota was wounded by shell fragments and had to be evacuated. Capt. Sydney A. Vincent, Jr., of Company B, 803d Tank Destroyer Battalion, left his vehicle to coordinate the activities of his tank destroyers and was killed. A forward observer of the 29th Division Artillery reconnoitered one of the spires in the church of Notre-Dame as an observation post. He decided upon its use and went to gather his crew. By the time he had returned, the enemy had shot both spires off the church.

CLICK ON PICTURES TO ENLARGE

Remains of Notre Dame Church in July of 1944


Notre Dame Church as it was somewhat re-built.

17 July, 1944

V-MAIL

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 403 % Postmaster, N.Y.

France

17 July, 1944

Dearest sweetheart –

Of course I’ll always remember the 24th of July – but the week before that is just as important to me because then it was that I was making the first steps towards meeting you. Remember? I got your letter of July 8 – last night when I got back from the hospital. It was a particularly sweet letter, dear and made me feel good. You express the hope that although I don’t write the same way as I did in Dec. and Jan. – I still feel the same. Don’t you ever have a second’s thought on that account, sweetheart. You mean more to me now – than you ever did – because then, dear, you didn’t belong to me and now you do. If my tune is different it is because my surroundings are different, too, and it’s a rare time when I can be alone and write down in quietness what I’m thinking. As for sharing my experiences – darling. I’m glad you don’t have to and where do you get that stuff about going too far in presuming your presence might help! It certainly would – although I don’t think it would help the war effort. And don’t worry about me hardening. I found how soft and real I could be when I went to work operating in the hospital – and saw all the patients around me. No – I’m not hard, darling – life just takes on a different meaning here – that’s all. There’ll be no barrier for you to crack and I know you’ll find me the same fellow who loved you hard when he last saw you and loves you much more now. Love to the folks, dear and

All my love is yours –

Greg

Route of the Question Mark


[CLICK TO ENLARGE]

(A) Douville to (B) Deville (6 miles)
(Exact route taken is unknown)

From Page 24 of The Route of the Question Mark:

July 17... Deville. We saw SEE HERE, PRIVATE HARGROVE, and spent most of our time filling sandbags which were piled up in a solid wall to protect the kitchen. The 4th Inf. Div. had a rest area across the road and talked continually about their experiences. We swallowed it all.

* TIDBIT *

about the Port Chicago Disaster

On July 17, 1944, the United States saw its worst home front disaster during WWII. Two transport vessels loading ammunition at the naval base in Port Chicago, California, on the Sacramento River were suddenly the center of an enormous explosion. The blast wrecked the naval base, heavily damaged the small town of Port Chicago, killed 320 American naval personnel, and obliterated both vessels in an instant. The entire pier at which the ships had been docked was gone without a trace. More than 300 people were injured. Property damage was estimated at 9.9 million dollars. Windows were shattered in towns 20 miles away, and the explosion itself could be seen 35 miles away in San Francisco!

The EA Bryan, a 7,212-ton EC-2 Liberty ship docked at Port Chicago on 13 July 1944, and at 8 a.m. on July 14, naval personnel began loading the ship with ammunition. The Quinalt Victory was a brand new ship preparing for her maiden voyage. The ship was being rigged in preparation for loading ammunition. By 10 p.m. on July 17, both ships were heavily laden with explosives and ammunition. The EA Bryan had taken on 4,600 tons of munitions including 1,780 tons of high explosives. One boxcar delivery containing a new airborne anti-submarine depth charge design, the Mark 47 armed with 252 pounds (110 kg) of torpex, was being loaded into No. 2 hold. The torpex charges were more sensitive than TNT to external shock and container dents.

The docks were congested with men and machines. 98 men from Division Three were busy loading the EA Bryan. 102 men from Division Six were busy on the Quinalt Victory. There were also 9 Navy officers, 67 members of the crews from both vessels, and armed guard detail of 29 men, 5 crew members from a Coast Guard fire barge, a Marine sentry, and dozens of civilian personnel. The pier was jammed with equipment, a locomotive, and 16 railroad boxcars. There were also about 430 tons of bombs and other munitions on the pier waiting to be loaded. In all, the munitions on the pier and in the ship contained the equivalent of approximately 2,000 tons of TNT. Just before 10:20 p.m. on July 17, 1944, a massive explosion ripped through the pier. A column of fire and smoke shot up more than 12,000 feet into the night sky. Everyone on the pier and aboard the ships was killed in an instant. The port's barracks and other buildings and much of the surrounding town were severely damaged. Shattering glass and a rain of jagged metal and undetonated munitions caused many additional injuries among both military and civilian populations, although no one outside the immediate pier area was killed.

The Quinalt Victory was blown out of the water, completely turned about, and smashed back down leaving only fragments. The 12-ton diesel locomotive that had been sitting on the pier vanished entirely. Not a single recognizable piece was ever recovered. The entire pier was obliterated including all of the man and machines that had been there only moments before. The dead and injured, or parts thereof, were scattered throughout the harbor and on the land as far inland as 1/2 mile. It would be days before all of the bodies and parts were recovered and longer still before those which could be identified could be completed. Despite a naval inquiry into the incident and a slap on the wrist to the commanding officers who had been making a competition of the loading, no official cause for the explosion was determined.

The aftermath of the disaster showed the gross discrimination of the Navy against African American soldiers. From the beginning, all the enlisted men employed as loaders at Port Chicago were African American; all their commanding officers were European Americans. Each of the enlisted men had been trained for a naval rating but the men were instead put to work as stevedores. None of the new recruits had been instructed in ammunition loading. All had been told the munitions were not "live." After surviving the explosion and performing the gruesome task of cleaning up body parts and corpses littering the bay and port, the men were in a state of shock; all were nervous. Many of them inquired about obtaining a 30-day "survivor's leave" sometimes given by the Navy to sailors who had survived a serious incident where their friends or shipmates had died, but no 30-day leaves were granted, not even to those who had been hospitalized with injuries. White officers, however, received the leave, causing a major grievance among the enlisted men.

Three hundred twenty-eight men were asked to resume the dangerous task of ammunition loading; all said they were afraid and that they would not load munitions under the same officers and conditions as before. 50 were later identified by the Navy as mutineers during war. Despite the efforts of their legal defense as well as intervention by Thurgood Marshall, as chief counsel for the NAACP, they were convicted and given prison terms of 10 to 15 years. This included a cook, who had never worked loading muntions and a soldier with a broken wrist, still in a sling.

It wasn't until the surrender of Japan that the sentences were reduced by one year, as the Navy was no longer able to justify such severe sentences as a warning to other potentially dissident servicemen and labor battalions. Finally, in January of 1946, 47 of the 50 were released. These 47 were paroled to active duty aboard Navy vessels in the Pacific Theater, where the men were assigned menial duties associated with post-war base detail. Two of the 50 prisoners remained in the prison's hospital for additional months recuperating from injuries, and one was not released because of a bad conduct record. Those of the 50 who had not committed later offenses were given a general discharge from the Navy "under honorable conditions".

The story of the Port Chicago 50 was the basis of "Mutiny," a made-for-television movie which was written by James S. "Jim" Henerson, directed by Kevin Hooks and included Morgan Freeman as one of three executive producers.

16 July, 1944

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 403 % Postmaster, N.Y.

France

16 July, 1944            1030

My dearest darling –

I thought I’d take some time off for a while and write you a less hurried letter than usual. I’ve really been busy this past week and it has been a great relief. The past 5 days have literally flown by and when evening has come I have been tired and slept well.

When I got back from the hospital last night (the 34th Evacuation Hospital) I found two letters from you, darling, and that’s always been a pleasant way to end up a day away from home. It sure is comforting, dear to realize that despite the tediousness of waiting and wondering – you are still in love with me and keep me first in mind. The fact that the reverse is true – is of course obvious – but in case you’re not sure, sweetheart, I’ll tell you again that nothing occupies my mind so fully, so constantly and so completely – as the thought and vision of you – and us together right after the war and forever after that – ‘until death do us part’ – as man and wife. Like you – I have imagined us together in Salem – so often – that I now accept it as fact – and it must be so some day, dear. I have the added advantage, though, of knowing what Salem is like – what it was like before I went into the Army – and how much I missed by not knowing you earlier. Well – we’ll make up for it!

Your letters last night were of June 29th and 30th and when the mail does come now – it isn’t too old – not that it makes much difference, really, because a letter is a letter – and a statement of love and affection doesn’t ever get old, does it, dear? You had received my letter of June 21st and I don’t know what I wrote in that letter, Sweetheart, but I’m sorry it made you worry. I thought that you knew by now just about what my outfit was doing – and if I had created an illusion before then – I’m sorry I inadvertently destroyed it. I must have had a blue day – or a bad night before. I’m really sorry, darling, because there’s no need to worry you about details that won’t do you any good at all to know about. As for foxholes – etc. – it’s just the safest place to be and we take it as a matter of course now. The food in the early days was necessarily monotonous and packaged – but there was always enough – I mean enough to make one nauseated – but there I go again. Really, dear – it was adequate. In addition – I had some concentrated vitamins A B C D and G which I’ve been carrying with me for over a year. I started taking them when we arrived in France and I think they balanced the “diet” – well.

Since then – our food has picked up a great deal in quantity, quality and variety and we now get bread at least one meal a day – which is a relief from those damned biscuits. At the hospital – the food is even better and I usually have my evening meal there. As for sending me anything, dear, – there’s really no point to it – although I appreciate your desire. Once in a while you get the desire to eat something like a bar of Nestle’s or a Milky Way or some such thing – but now that I’m busy from early a.m. – to late evening – I don’t even get that desire anymore. You just keep sending me your love and affection, sweetheart, and that’s all I want.

It’s nice of Granny B. to feel so well disposed towards me when she really only met me a couple of times. I’m glad though – because I’ll bet if she didn’t like anyone – she wouldn’t hesitate and say so. I must drop her another V-mail – perhaps today.

Darling – if I haven’t already told you I love you hard – I’d better do so now. It’s true – and you too will find out how much when I return. Before I stop – I want to tell you again that there’s no point in worrying – but plenty point in having faith. And your Mother’s right about ‘foolishness’ in feeling funny about eating good food etc. I’ll bet I’ve had more eggs in the past couple of weeks than you have – and don’t forget, dear – from French hens!

Have to stop now – Love to all at home and to you, darling.

All my love forever

Greg

* TIDBIT *

about Evacuation Hospital Work

The following is excerpted from Medical Service in the European Theater of Operations, written by Graham A. Cosmas and Albert E. Cowdry for the U.S. Army Center of Military History, 1992.

During World War II, a field hospital could perform approximately eighty operations a day, and over 85 percent of those soldiers operated on in field hospitals survived. While field hospitals proved more than equal to their task, the 400-bed army evacuation hospitals found themselves consistently over-burdened. Processing all patients who were transportable and needed more than the most elementary treatment, these hospitals worked in rotation, some receiving casualties while others, cleared of patients, rested or moved forward behind the divisions. During the first weeks, evacuation hospitals lived from crisis to crisis. "When a hospital moved in and set up" the 41st Evacuation Hospital commander complained, "there would always be a big influx of patients, which continued until every bed was filled and this hospital bogged down. Then the hospital would be closed and left to work itself out of the mess."

CLICK ON PICTURE TO ENLARGE

Conventional Layout of an Evacuation Hospital
usually comprised of up to 27 tents.

With the arrival of more evacuation hospitals the flow of patients evened out, but in more units a chronic surgical backlog persisted. The majority of the casualties reaching these hospitals were injured men who needed surgery - for example 894 out of 1,302 admitted by the 5th Evacuation Hospital during its first two weeks in Normandy and all but 360 out of 3,200 treated at the 128th Evacuation Hospital in a similar space of time. The surgical staff of this type of installation, working 12-hour shifts and reinforced by as many auxiliary surgical teams as the hospital's 40 nurses and 217 enlisted men could support, could perform about 100 major operations every twenty-four hours; the patient influx during heavy combat occurred at about double that rate.

Inevitably, less urgent cases had to wait their turn on the operation tables, often developing infections in undebrided wounds or suffering other complications. To help its hospitals overcome this backlog, the First Army deployed surgical teams and mobile truck-mounted surgical and X-ray units and, when these proved insufficient, added provisional teams from combat zone hospitals which had landed but were not yet functioning. The medical group assigned a collecting company to each evacuation hospital, to provide relief ward officers, additional litter-bearers, and ambulances to help in moving out patients.

Clinically, surgery during the first two months of combat produced few surprises. Surgeons were impressed by the frequency and severity of the multiple wounds from artillery fire. On his July inspection trip one General saw a patient "with a penetrating wound of the skull, sucking wound of the chest, partial evisceration and a compound fracture. This means that one surgical team, on that one individual, must perform four major operations."

CLICK ON IMAGE TO ENLARGE

Causes and Locations of Wounds
Battle of Normandy
June-July 1944

Patients with post-operative stomach wounds were routinely kept in an evacuation hospital ten days before they were sent on, and those with chest wounds were usually kept at least five days before they were evacuated. Critically wounded patients needing specialized treatment were air-evacuated to station and general hospitals, which advanced more slowly than field and evacuation hospitals and were usually housed in semi-permanent locations. Stable patients requiring a long recuperation were sent back to England via hospital ship.

15 July, 1944

V-MAIL

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 403 % Postmaster, N.Y.

France

15 July, 1944

Dearest sweetheart –

I thought it was settled. Of course we’ll be married immediately after the war! I see no sense in waiting. I certainly am not going to wait to see how things are, how I’ll do, what my income will be – etc. You’ll just have to take a chance, darling. We’ll have a nucleus to start with – most important of which will be that I did practice in Salem once before and secondly – I am still a member of the staff at the Hospital.

Was glad to read you had received the books on England – particularly the ones concerning Sherborne. Was afraid they might hold out the latter because I was still in England when I mailed it.

Everything here going along swell. Was at the hospital again yesterday and again got plenty to do. Other advantages of being with the hospital are 1) Shower facilities and 2) Laundry – both of which I was doing without.

No mail yesterday – but maybe today. Keep hoping for that early finish to all this, sweetheart – and before we know it – it will all be over. Love to all –

All my love to you

Greg

* TIDBIT *

about Preparing for Operation Cobra

CLICK ON MAP TO ENLARGE

First Army Front Movement from 8 to 15 July 1944
VIII Corps on the left, VII Corps in the middle, XIX Corps on the right

This is an excerpt from the War Department's Historical Division's American Forces in Action Series, entitled "St-Lô (7 Jul - 19 July 1944)", Chapter 4, page 91:

In the VII Corps zone, the 4th and 83d Divisions continued to shoulder along the Carentan-Périers highway, more and more aided by the pressure exerted from the east by the 9th Division. On 13 July, that unit had driven nearly to the important crossroads at les Champs-de-Losque. By 15 July, as a result of the hardest kind of fighting, the 4th and 83d were on a line just north of Raids and held the Sainteny hills which had been their main obstacle. But ahead of them the enemy still held strong defensive positions, and had shown no signs of making a voluntary withdrawal. The cost to VII Corps of getting some six square miles of ground along its peninsula had been high. From 9 to 16 July, the corps lost 4,800 men; by 15 July the three regiments of the 4th Division had suffered 2,300 casualties, including three battalion commanders and nine rifle company commanders.

First Army now called a halt to the offensive west of the Taute River, holding VIII and VII Corps (except for the 9th Division) at the positions reached on 14-15 July. Definite plans for the major breakthrough, Operation Cobra, were being made, the outline plan having reached First Army on 13 July. While terrain and the enemy had halted the drive of the VII Corps, the attack did achieve some of it’s goals. By moving the front several miles south of Carentan it stabilized the area and prevented the Germans from shelling the town and the vital crossroads. Further it prevented the Germans from launching a counterattack in this area - considered the weakest on the entire front - and had inflicted serious losses on the Germans, losses they could not replace.

The Taute River, Normandy (in 2006)

The offensive which had been under way was to continue, but would aim at more modest objectives which would give suitable jump-off positions for Cobra. The primary goal became the ground along the St-Lô-Périers highway in front of the 9th and 30th Divisions. At the end of 15 July, the 30th Division was to come under VII Corps in order to coordinate the continuing offensive toward this area. The 4th and 83rd Divisions passed to the VIII Corps in a front-wide reorganization.

During the 12 days from 4 to 15 July, ammunition expenditure had been greater than at any other period during the first two months of First Army's campaign. This occurred during a period when control was being exercised and unrestricted firing was not permitted, when units were limited to one unit of fire for attack, one-half unit for each subsequent day of attack, and one-third for a "normal" day. But deeper and wider concentrations of fire than was ordinary had to be employed in hedgerow country to compensate for lack of observation. Stocks became low in certain types, particularly 105-mm howitzer, and strict rationing was established to restore the stocks for the coming operations.

Fortunately, the port of Cherbourg, although thoroughly mined and demolished by the Germans, had been rapidly cleared for use. The first supplies from it began to trickle south on 15 July. Cherbourg was to prove an essential aid to the supply problem in the next weeks. But the main ports of entry were still the open beaches, Omaha and Utah, where the 1st, 5th, and 6th Engineer Special Brigades were performing miracles in getting tonnage ashore under all conditions of weather. A daily average of 12,000 to 14,000 tons was being maintained.

Front and Back of German Newspaper dated 15 July 1944

CLICK ON PICTURES TO ENLARGE

14 July, 1944

V-MAIL

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 403 % Postmaster, N.Y.

France

14 July, 1944

Hello darling –

Today is Bastille Day in France – once a big holiday – now just a memory. I got three sweet letters from you last nite when I got back from the hospital – dated June 25th, 28th, 29th. All in all and considering our location – we can’t kick about the mail.

Weather of 95 degrees seems inconceivable back here. I don’t know if it ever gets warm in France – but where we are – each day is like the last – and about 75 degrees – just right. But I do miss the swimming, dear – I hope when you get into the water a certain part of the time is for me.

Got a letter from Frank Morse yesterday. He had received mine – written when I first hit France. Although he is quite busy in his hospital – he’s aching to come over here. He should be getting his Majority soon. He should have had it long ago – because his job asks for it.

Still working at the hospital sweetheart and of course enjoying it and keeping my fingers crossed – hoping it will last. That’s all for now darling, except to let you know that everything you wish for – I wish for too, and just as hard. Love to the folks and

All my love, darling –

Greg

* TIDBIT *

about Fighting in the Hedgerows

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Soldiers of the U.S. 3rd Armored Division standing in front
of a hedgerow, holding a sign shaped like a German Cross
that says, "Soldiers surrender - you are surrounded."
14 July 1944, northwest of Saint-Lô.
This photo belongs to PhotosNormandie's Flickr Photostream.

Here is an excerpt from the Center for Military History's review of the XIX Corps action in St. Lo from 7-19 July 1944. It is based upon based upon a first narrative by 2d Lt. David Garth, prepared in the field from military records and from notes and interviews recorded during the operation by members of the 2d Information and Historical Service Detachment.

What our units were experiencing in this fight, and what they were learning, is effectively summarized by an officer who went through it all and wrote from the standpoint of the front-line combat man:

There were just three ways that our infantry could get through the hedgerow country. They could walk down the road, which always makes the leading men feel practically naked (and they are). They could attempt to get through gaps in the corners of the hedgerows and crawl up along the row leading forward or rush through in a group and spread out in the field beyond. This was not a popular method. In the first place often there were no gaps just when yon wanted one most, and in the second place the Germans knew about them before we did and were usually prepared with machine-gun and machine-pistol reception committees. The third method was to rush a skirmish line over a hedgerow and then across the field. This could have been a fair method if there had been no hedgerows.

Usually we could not get through the hedge without hacking a way through. This of course took time, and a German machine gun can fire a lot of rounds in a very short time. Sometimes the hedges themselves were not thick. But it still took time for the infantryman to climb up the bank and scramble over, during which time he was a luscious target, and when he got over the Germans knew exactly where he was. All in all it was very discouraging to the men who had to go first. The farther to the rear one got the easier it all seemed.

Crossing an Orchard between Hedgerows
This photo came from Photosnormandie's Flickr Photostream.

Of course the Germans did not defend every hedgerow, but no one knew without stepping out into the spotlight which ones he did defend.

It was difficult to gain fire superiority when it was most needed. In the first place machine guns were almost useless in the attack because about the only way they could be used was to fire from the hip. If you set them up before the advance started, they had no field of fire and could not shoot the enemy. If you carried them along until you met the enemy, still the only way to get them in position was to set them up on top of a hedgerow bank. That was not good because the German was in the next bank and got you before you set the gun down. Anyway, it had to be laid on the bank, no tripod, just a gun barrel lying unevenly on its stomach. On the other hand the Germans could dig their guns into the banks in advance, camouflage them, and be all set to cover the roads, trails, and other bottlenecks our men had to use.

The artillery was the major fire support weapon. But it suffered certain handicaps. In the first place it had to be adjusted from the front line by forward observers. These sometimes had difficulty knowing just where they were, and the trees frequently delayed adjustment because of the short vision. If you found the enemy in the next hedgerow he was frequently less than 100 yards from you, and that was too close for artillery fire, particularly since short rounds would probably burst in the trees over your men in your own hedgerow. If the enemy was two or more hedgerows ahead of you, that wasn't so good either, because the mere delay in getting to him through that last hedgerow just in front of him gave him time to rise up and smite you after the artillery lifted. The mortars were effective providing you knew just what to shoot at and where it was, but the infantryman still had the delay and exposure of getting through the last hedgerow.

A wounded American is carried over a Hedgerow by Medics
This photo came from PhotosNormandie's Flickr Photostream.

The Germans, being on the defensive, profited by these minor items of the terrain. They could dig in, site their weapons to cover the approaches, and prepare tunnels and other covered exits for themselves. Then when our men appeared, laboriously working their way forward, the Germans could knock off the first one or two, cause the others to duck down behind the bank, and then call for his own mortar support. The German mortars were very, very efficient. By the time our men were ready to go after him, the German and his men and guns had obligingly retired to the next stop. If our men had rushed him instead of ducking down behind the bank, his machine gun or machine pistol would knock a number off. For our infantrymen, it was what you might call in baseball parlance, a fielder's choice. No man was very enthusiastic about it.

13 July, 1944

438^th AAA AW BN

APO 403 % Postmaster, N.Y.

France

13 July, 1944        1015

Dearest sweetheart –

Well I thought I’d try an Air mail again for a change and be sure and let me know – as soon as you can make any sense out of it – which type of mail is reaching you more quickly. In this direction – both types are now reaching us in about the same length of time. Our dental officer – jerk to you, dear – heard from Brooklyn (where else would he be from?) yesterday, in a letter dated July 3rd – which was excellent time. Yes, your description of the just mentioned as jerky – was very accurate. He is just that and at times quite intolerable. A Brooklyn Jew comes stamped – and he’s no exception. But we manage to keep peace and get along.

As for the rest of my detachment, darling – take it easy. That fat boy is the one who made the bracelet for you. I’m glad you like it – by the way – and had no idea they were so popular. I may or may not have told you that the thing was made by hand – including the links. The brothers you refer to are twins – formerly identical – and changing somewhat as they get older. They’re from Kentucky and real hillbillies. Before the war they helped manufacture moonshine. As for myself, dear, I’m just about the same, I guess. I haven’t been able to weigh myself in some time – but I have felt fine. Why I looked thinner in the picture – I don’t know.

Right now, though, darling – the thing that is keeping me fine is the chance to do some work – and work to do – there is! I went into the operating room at 1315 yesterday and didn’t move out of it until after 1800 – all in one stretch. I then ate and put in a couple of hours in the Shock ward before returning here. I got back here about 2130 and in a short while it was time for sleep. It certainly makes for a full day – because by the time I get thru shaving in the morning, filling out a few forms – etc. – it’s just about time enough to dash out, see a battery or a couple of gun sections – and then return for lunch. But – hell – I just hope the set-up continues and I think I can take it.

I wish I could go into detail on what I’ve been doing at the hospital – in just two days, mind you, dear the variety of cases is terrific – and in addition to just surgery – we put plaster-casts on by the dozen. And the best part of all is that as far as the hospital is concerned – I’m on one of their surgical teams.

I better stop raving because I suppose it will be for a short time only – but while it lasts – I can gain quite a bit of experience. Yes – just to scrub up, put on a cap, mask, gown and rubber gloves again has been quite a thrill for me – so excuse the enthusiasm sweetheart.

I’ll really have to stop now, dear and do a couple of things. I experimented with a flea powder issued by the gov’t. – by dissolving it in Kerosene and sprinkling it on our tents – as a mosquito repellent which as yet – has not been issued. It has worked fine now for 1 week – with only 1 sprinkling. I’m having some directions typed up and I’m getting it out to the batteries.

It seems as if I’m always rushed – when writing you, darling, – but you are not rushed in my mind – believe me, dear – because there you rest always as a comfort to me. Every bit of love you have for me is equaled on my account – of that you can be sure and time alone will give us a chance to show it. Meanwhile – don’t worry and take care of yourself. Love to the folks.

All my love for always –

Greg

* TIDBIT *

about The Drive South
and the Plan for Operation "Cobra"

On 2 July, VII Corps had taken over a sector between the VIII and XIX Corps in preparation for the drive south. Major General Robert C. Macon's 83d Infantry Division held the new Corps sector, a narrow front where operations were canalized by the Taute River and the swampy inundations of the Prairies Marecageuses. The 83d's attacks to gain maneuver room for the commitment of more troops met determined resistance, built about the hedgerows characteristic of this area. Dug into the earthen walls that marked each hedge, the German positions presented a defense that could be eliminated only by slow, tedious, and costly attacks.

The 4th Infantry Division joined the struggle, and later the Corps zone was extended eastward to include the area of the 9th. The infantry-artillery duel continued, gains were small, counterattacks were numerous and determined. The 4th and 83d Divisions continued to shoulder along the Carentan-Périers highway, more and more aided by the pressure exerted from the east by the 9th Division. On 13 July, that unit drove nearly to the important crossroads at les Champs-de-Losque.

According to Wikipedia:

In order to gain a decisive victory and to break through the area of hedgerow defenses, the First U.S. Army planned Operation Cobra, a coordinated attack by which the Army would drive south into areas more suited for the operation of its armored units. The originator of the idea for Operation Cobra remains disputed. According to Montgomery's official biographer, the foundation of Operation Cobra was laid on 13 June. General Omar Bradley later took credit for the planning of in his memoirs. However, Bradley's plan resembled—with only slight revisions—an earlier concept devised by none other than General George S. Patton. In any case, VII Corps was selected to make the main effort, and boundaries and troops began to be shifted to position the Corps for the task. It was to be launched on 25 July 1944.

In the first phase, the breakthrough attack would be conducted by the 9th and 30th Infantry divisions, which would punch a hole in the German tactical zone and then hold the flanks of the penetration while the 1st Infantry and 2nd Armored divisions pushed into the depth of the position until resistance collapsed. During the second phase, an exploitation force of five to six divisions would pass through the opening created in the German defenses and swing west. If these two phases were successful the western German position would become untenable, and the third phase would permit a relatively easy advance to the southwest end of the bocage to cut off and seize the Brittany peninsula. First Army's intelligence estimated that no German counterattack would occur in the first few days after Cobra's launch, and that if attacks materialized after that date, they would consist of no more than battalion-sized operations.

Cobra was to be a concentrated attack on a 7,000 yard (6,400 meter) front, unlike previous American "broad front" offensives, and would have heavy air support. Fighter-bombers would concentrate on hitting forward German defenses in a 250 yard (230 meter) belt immediately south of the Saint-Lô–Periers road, while heavy bombers would bomb to a depth of 2,500 yards (2,300 meters) behind the German main line of resistance. It was anticipated that the physical destruction and shock value of a short, intense preliminary bombardment would greatly weaken the German defense, so in addition to divisional artillery, Army- and Corps-level units would provide support, including nine heavy, five medium, and seven light artillery battalions. Over 1,000 tubes of divisional and corps artillery were committed to the offensive, and approximately 140,000 artillery rounds were allocated to the operation in VII Corps alone, with another 27,000 for VIII Corps.